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1. In your opinion, are Canadians confident about their Canadian identity? What does it mean to be Canadian?
Canadians have long struggled to define their national identity, reflecting both pride and uncertainty. Unlike Americans or the French, Canadians have constantly questioned what makes them distinctive, especially when comparing themselves to the United States. English-speaking Canadians often describe their identity through values such as tolerance, multiculturalism, compassion, and collective responsibility, seeing Canada as more community-oriented and less individualistic than the U.S. Francophone Canadians, especially in Quebec, focus their identity on language, culture, and autonomy, often contrasting themselves not with Americans but with Anglophone Canada.
Therefore, while Canadians are proud of certain shared values, their identity remains ambivalent and evolving, shaped by regional, linguistic, and multicultural diversity.
2. What are ideologies, and why are they useful in thinking about Canadian politics?
An ideology is a system of interconnected ideas and beliefs about how society is organized and how it ought to function. It provides a framework—a kind of mental map—for interpreting political, economic, and social life.
Ideologies are useful in understanding Canadian politics because they:
Clarify the reasoning behind policies and parties’ actions, such as support for welfare programs or tax cuts.
Explain divisions and alliances within political movements (e.g., between libertarians and social conservatives).
Help citizens and scholars classify political statements along broad traditions like liberalism, conservatism, or socialism.
In short, ideologies make sense of why people and parties think and act politically the way they do.
3. What is political culture, and how is it different from political ideology? What topics in Canadian political culture have political scientists studied?
Political culture refers to the shared values, beliefs, and behaviors that characterize how citizens relate to politics and government. It includes what people consider political, their attitudes toward freedom, equality, order, and authority, and how much trust or alienation they feel toward political institutions.
Political culture differs from ideology because:
Ideology is a coherent belief system held consciously by individuals or movements.
Political culture is a collective climate of opinion, usually absorbed unconsciously through socialization (family, education, media).
Political scientists studying Canada’s political culture have focused on:
Differences between English-speaking and French-speaking Canadians,
Regional variations across provinces,
Generational differences in values and participation,
Levels of political efficacy, trust, and alienation, and
Feelings of belonging to linguistic or regional communities.
4. What examples are given in the textbook or videos to illustrate the broad ideological premises of left-wing, right-wing, and centrist or moderate actions or statements? Can you think of any more examples from your media journal?
The textbook gives several examples:
Right-wing actions/statements include editorials attacking welfare fraud, advocating workfare programs, calling for tax cuts, or opposing affirmative action.
Left-wing actions/statements include proposals to raise the minimum wage, ban replacement workers during strikes, or increase aid to developing nations.
Centrist or moderate actions/statements occupy a middle ground between left and right, blending market approaches with social welfare measures.
Additional modern examples might include:
A government carbon tax or universal basic income proposal (left-leaning),
A balanced-budget campaign (right-leaning), or
A public-private healthcare mix (centrist).
5. What elements can be identified as belonging to right-wing or left-wing belief systems? What is libertarianism, and how does this ideology fit within the traditional left-right spectrum?
Right-wing belief systems emphasize individualism, free markets, small government, and personal responsibility, with skepticism toward welfare expansion. They often value traditional morals and social order.
Left-wing belief systems emphasize collectivism, equality, state intervention, and redistribution to correct inequalities and promote social welfare.
Libertarianism fits awkwardly into this spectrum. Economically, libertarians are right-wing, favoring minimal state interference, but socially, they are left-leaning, supporting maximum personal freedom on moral and lifestyle issues (e.g., same-sex marriage, abortion, assisted dying). Because libertarians advocate both economic freedom and social liberty, they challenge the simplicity of the one-dimensional left-right model.
6. Is it more useful or more confusing to incorporate a second or more axes into ideological categorization? What are some examples of additional axes proposed by thinkers, and are some more useful than others?
Adding a second axis can be very useful because it captures differences missed by the simple left–right scale. For instance:
One common two-axis model separates economic freedom from social or moral freedom, clarifying why libertarians (economically right, socially liberal) and social conservatives (economically right, socially traditional) differ.
Other proposed axes include authoritarian–libertarian or globalist–nationalist dimensions.
However, adding too many axes can be confusing for practical analysis. A two-dimensional grid—economic vs. personal freedom—is generally the most helpful for understanding modern Canadian politics.
7. Why do political parties in government tend to shift toward the centre in their political actions?
Parties often shift toward the centre once in government because governing requires broad appeal and compromise. Electoral success depends on winning moderate voters, not just ideological bases.
Pragmatic constraints—such as public opinion, economic conditions, and coalition-building—push governments to adopt centrist policies to ensure stability and re-election. Thus, even parties that campaign from the left or right often govern from the middle.
8. What are the differences between classical socialism, liberalism, and conservatism according to Table 2.1, and why are these three classical ideologies no longer very useful for understanding politics today? Why are they still used?
Classical Liberalism:
Values maximum individual freedom and competitive markets.
Prefers a limited government that exists mainly to protect personal liberty and property.
Believes in the separation of church and state and equality of opportunity through effort.
Classical Conservatism:
Values tradition, hierarchy, and order; individuals exist within social groups and obligations.
Supports a strong, guiding state rooted in God and tradition, upholding law, order, and morality.
Accepts inequality as natural and sees personal dignity in fulfilling one’s social role.
Classical Socialism:
Values economic and social equality, collective ownership, and cooperation over competition.
Supports state control of major industries and redistribution of wealth to benefit the working class.
Rejects private property as the foundation of inequality.
Why these ideologies are less useful today:
Modern societies have changed:
Class divisions have blurred in middle-class, post-industrial economies.
Each ideology has adapted or merged with others (e.g., modern liberalism supports welfare and diversity; modern conservatism embraces markets but promotes family values; modern socialism allows limited capitalism).
New issues—like environmentalism, feminism, multiculturalism—don’t fit neatly into classical categories.
Why they’re still used:
Their labels remain embedded in political language, party names, and historical memory.
They still express enduring moral and philosophical differences about freedom, equality, and justice.
They serve as useful reference points for comparing parties and policies, even if blurred in practice.
What are the main premises of fragment theory about the origins of a country’s political ideas and institutions? What are Canada’s “fragments?”
Main premises
Selective transplant: New World societies aren’t full copies of Europe; they are partial “fragments”—unrepresentative slices of the social classes, occupations, religions, and ideas of the metropole.
Timing matters: Waves of immigration arrive during particular ideological epochs, so settlers bring the “cultural baggage” of that moment.
Cultural genes set limits: Founding ideas don’t predetermine outcomes but act like “cultural genes” that set limits on later developments by congealing into dominant norms and institutions.
Institutional carry-through: Early social structures and institutions (e.g., churches, constitutional arrangements) help transmit the fragment’s values across generations.
Canada’s “fragments”
French Canada: A Catholic, pre-revolutionary/feudal fragment—hierarchical social order, clerical dominance, limited political participation; long sustained by the Catholic Church.
English Canada: A Loyalist/liberal fragment—settled largely by United Empire Loyalists (anti-American Yankees). Debate exists over how much Tory/conservative deference mixed in, but the core habits included liberal practices (consent, elected assemblies) wrapped in British identity and recurring anti-American self-definition.
What are the most relevant formative events in the creation of Canada and USA, according to Martin Lipset? How has Canada defined itself in reaction against Americanizing its politics? Why is the British Conquest of New France in 1759 an important symbolic event?
Lipset’s key formative events
USA: The American Revolution (1776)—a successful revolution against an oppressive state; entrenched dispersed power, weak executive, strong rights, and a lasting suspicion of government.
Canada (English Canada): A counter-revolutionary origin—shaped by Loyalist migration north, the War of 1812, defeat of 1837–38 U.S.-style democratic reforms, and Confederation (1867) modeled on British institutions. These events reinforced order, legitimacy via crown/parliament, and greater comfort using the state.
How Canada defined itself against Americanization
Repeated refusals of U.S. political imports and self-presentation as British/then distinctively Canadian (later through multiculturalism and other values). Even when underlying habits were liberal, elites and publics often justified “not being American,” normalizing a more activist state and different policy choices.
Why the 1759 British Conquest matters (symbolically)
For French Canada/Quebec, the Conquest is a canonical turning point—a remembered collective rupture that shaped identity narratives (loss, subordination, and distance from English Canada). It influenced which elites dominated (long clerical–conservative leadership) and remains a deep groove in Quebec’s historical imagination.
What are the premises of the economic and class-based explanations about the origins of political ideas and institutions? What is false consciousness? Why does Brooks (2020) say in your textbook that false consciousness “cannot be totally false” (p. 44)?
Premises of the economic/class approach
Ideas reflect power: Dominant political ideas and institutions largely embody the interests of the dominant economic class (those controlling the mode of production).
Institutional reproduction: Media, schools, mainstream religion, and the state tend to propagate the dominant ideology—not always by ownership alone, but because they rely on social order and avoid overturning the economic status quo.
Law & process as power: Political procedures, laws, and structures stabilize existing class relations while appearing neutral.
False consciousness (definition)
A Marxian idea: members of subordinate classes may misperceive their real interests, accepting dominant-class ideas (e.g., meritocratic mobility myths) that justify the existing order.
Why false consciousness “cannot be totally false” (Brooks, 2020, p. 44)
For an ideology to work, it must have some congruence with people’s lived experience (e.g., legal equality on paper; some real mobility cases). If it were completely detached from everyday realities, people would reject it—leaving only propaganda and repression to sustain authority. Hence, effective dominant ideologies blend interest-serving narratives with enough truth from daily life to feel credible.