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Schmitter & Karl Question
what democracy actually is and what it is not,Â
arguing that the concept has been misused and overly simplified
Schmitter & Karl say what Others Say
regular elections, majority rule, economic efficiency, or the presence of a particular civic culture.Â
Holding elections alone is sufficient for democratic electoralism.
What does Schmitter & Karl say
A system of governance in which rulers are held accountable to citizens through competition and cooperationÂ
Democracy is procedural, not outcome-basedÂ
Cannot be reduced to elections alone.
What are Schmitter & Karl theory
views democracy as a regime type defined by rules and procedures rather than specific institutions or results.Â
Accountability, citizenship, competition, cooperation, and civil societyÂ
Take multiple institutional forms.
what is Schmitter & Karl Hypotheses
necessary but not sufficient for democracy, that democracy does not guarantee economic growth, stability, or efficiency,Â
Civilian control over unelected actors and political autonomy are essential for democratic rule
Schmitter & Karl Data and Tests
Comparative historical analysisÂ
different political regimes across regions and time to evaluate how democratic procedures function in practice
Schmitter & Karl Results
Democracy is best understood as a procedural system based on contingent consent and bounded uncertaintyÂ
It does not automatically produce desirable economic or political outcomes, and multiple forms of democracy can coexist as long as accountability and democratic rules are preserved.
Lindberg question
Whether multiparty elections in Africa, specifically in Ghana,Â
Counteract neo-patrimonialism or reinforce patronâclient politics, thereby undermining democratic consolidation.
what does Lindberg say others say
Repeated, competitive electionsâespecially peaceful turnoversâsignal democratic consolidation in Africa.Â
Ghana's democracy has become âthe only game in town.âÂ
Critiques this view as a form of electoralism that privileges procedures while ignoring how power is exercised in practice.
What does Lindberg say
Elections in neo-patrimonial contexts can intensify patronage politics rather than weaken them.
In Ghana, democratic competition has increased the demand for personalized material rewards (âchop-moneyâ), reinforcing patron-client relationships and eroding both vertical and horizontal accountability
What is Lindbergs theory
Theories of neo-patrimonialism, where political authority is personalized and sustained through material distribution and loyalty rather than impersonal rules.
Combines with liberal democratic theory, particularly Dahlâs concept of polyarchy, emphasizing accountability, rule of law, and institutional constraints on power.
What is Lindbergs hypotheses
Elections may increase patronage demands in neo-patrimonial systems
Patronâclient relations undermine democratic accountability
Campaign financing pressures push MPs toward corruption and personal distribution
Democratic procedures can coexist with anti-democratic practices
These patterns threaten the consolidation of liberal democracy even when elections are free and fair
Lindbergs data and tests
Uses mixed empirical methods including:
A survey of Ghanaian Members of Parliament
Semi-structured interviews
Observational fieldwork
Comparative analysis across multiple election cycles
The data focus on campaign spending, funding sources, and the use of resources for personal patronage.
Lindbergs Results
Campaign costs and personalized patronage increase over time with democratization
MPs devote growing shares of resources and time to sustaining clientelistic networks, weakening policy-based accountability, legislative oversight, and the rule of law.
concludes that without confronting neo-patrimonial practices, elections may hollow out democracy from within.
What is Barbara Geddes â âWhy Parties and Elections in Authoritarian Regimes?â question
asks why authoritarian regimes create political parties and hold elections even though elections do not determine leadership or policy and citizens cannot meaningfully hold rulers accountable
What does Geedes say other say
Traditional democratic theory argues that parties and elections exist to represent citizensâ interests and allow voters to remove poor leaders.
Other scholars emphasize elections as tools for cooptation or limited bargaining with the opposition.
argues that these explanations do not fully explain why authoritarian rulers consistently invest in elections and parties.
what does Geedes say
Argues that parties and elections in authoritarian regimes serve regime survival, not democratization.
They primarily serve to deter threats from regime insiders, especially the military and elite rivals, by signaling strength, mobilizing support, and discouraging challenges to the dictator.
What is Geddes theory
Rooted in intra-elite politics rather than mass accountability.
The main threat to authoritarian rulers comes from former allies, not citizens. Parties and elections function as strategic institutions that help dictators manage elite competition, counterbalance the military, and reduce the likelihood of coups.
Geddes Hypotheses
Dictators create parties to deter military coups
Elections signal popular acquiescence to elite rivals
Regimes that hold elections last longer than those that do not
Supermajoritarian victories discourage elite defection
Parties and elections increase authoritarian durability despite their risks
Geddes Data and tests
Uses comparative historical data on approximately 170 authoritarian regimes since World War II.
analyzes regime type, party creation, election timing, and regime duration to assess whether parties and elections are associated with longer authoritarian survival.
Geedes Results
that authoritarian regimes with parties and regular elections survive significantly longer.
Elections and parties deter coups by demonstrating regime strength, mobilizing loyal supporters, and signaling to elites that opposition is unlikely to succeed.
These institutions stabilize authoritarian rule rather than democratize it.
What is Lisa Blaydes,â âAuthoritarian Elections and Elite Management: Theory and Evidence from Egyptâ question
Asks why authoritarian regimes, specifically Egypt hold competitive parliamentary elections even though these elections do not determine policy or constrain executive power
How these elections contribute to regime stability through elite management.
What does Blaydes say others say
Authoritarian elections exist primarily to generate domestic or international legitimacy,
Create a democratic façade or signal regime strength.
Emphasize elections as symbolic acts or as mechanisms to balance the military.
she argues these explanations are incomplete for understanding the Egyptian case
What does Blaydes say
Competitive parliamentary elections in Egypt function as the regimeâs primary mechanism for managing political elites.
Elections distribute access to rents, promotions, parliamentary immunity, and future economic opportunities, thereby stabilizing elite coalitions and discouraging challenges to the regime.
Blaydes Theory
Builds on authoritarian survival and elite politics, drawing on Geddes while shifting the focus from the military to economic and political elites.
Elections operate as a market-like mechanism that allocates scarce resources and signals competence and loyalty within the regimeâs electorate.
Blaydes Hypotheses
Elections allocate access to state rents and immunity
Competitive elections reduce elite conflict by appearing fair
Economic liberalization increases the value of parliamentary seats
Higher competition leads to higher turnover among elites
Election performance determines promotions and demotions of party officials
Blaydes Data and Tests
Historical analysis of Egyptian parliamentary elections
Election returns and incumbency rates over time
Interviews with political elites
Statistical analysis of turnover among governors and party officials
She shows how election outcomes correlate with promotions, demotions, and elite circulation.
Blaydes Results
Elections in Egypt strengthen authoritarian rule by structuring elite competition, distributing rents, and shifting mobilization costs onto elites.
Elections also serve as informational tools, allowing the regime to identify loyal and competent officials while preventing the consolidation of rival power centers.