1/114
Looks like no tags are added yet.
Name | Mastery | Learn | Test | Matching | Spaced | Call with Kai |
|---|
No study sessions yet.
Equality of opportunity & outcome
Sociologists are interested in how educational policies have attempted to reduce inequality between social classes, genders, and ethnic groups
A key question is whether policies have successfully provided equality of opportunity (giving everyone the same chances) or equality of outcome (ensuring similar results regardless of background)
Historical Context: 19th to Early 20th Century
The development of state education in the UK was closely tied to industrialisation
As society modernised, an educated workforce became essential
1870 Elementary Education Act: introduced the first formal state involvement in education.
1880 Education Act: made school attendance compulsory for children aged 5–13.
However, education was highly class-based
Middle-class children received an academic curriculum, preparing them for careers in management, administration, or the professions
Working-class children were offered basic literacy and numeracy, preparing them for manual or factory work
Compensatory education policies (1960s–1970s)
To tackle social inequality, compensatory education policies were introduced to support disadvantaged pupils from low-income backgrounds
Educational Priority Areas (EPAs) were introduced in 1967 in deprived regions like parts of London, Birmingham, Liverpool, and West Yorkshire
EPAs provided schools with additional funding, resources, and support to
raise academic achievement
improve facilities
encourage parental involvement
These policies recognised that children from poverty-stricken areas needed extra help to reach the same standards as their peers
The tripartite system
From 1944, education policy in Britain began to be influenced by the idea of meritocracy
I.e., students should achieve their status and be rewarded through their efforts and abilities rather than it being ascribed at birth by their class background
The 1944 Education Act (Butler Act) aimed to improve equality of opportunity by creating the tripartite system
This was where children were selected and allocated to one of three different types of schools:
Grammar schools for the academically gifted
Secondary modern schools for practical or vocational training
Technical schools for science and engineering
Entry was decided by the 11+ exam, intended to sort students based on merit, not background and was seen as a step toward a meritocratic system
Evaluation of the tripartite system - reinforced class division
It reinforced class divisions
Although designed to be meritocratic, it favoured middle-class pupils, who had more support at home and access to resources
Working-class children were disproportionately placed in secondary moderns, which limited their academic and career prospects
Evaluation of the tripartite system - reinforced gender inequality
It reinforced gender inequality
Girls were required to gain higher marks than boys in the 11+ to obtain a grammar school place, so they had fewer educational opportunities
Subjects were gendered, e.g., girls steered toward domestic science while boys were guided into academic or technical subjects
Evaluation of the tripartite system - the system was bipartite
The system was bipartite
Few technical schools were built
This widened the gap between academic and non-academic routes
Evaluation of the tripartite system - limited support for ethnic minorities
Limited support for ethnic minorities
There was little recognition of racial or cultural diversity in policy
Many ethnic minority pupils faced language barriers, low teacher expectations, and institutional racism
The comprehensive school system
The comprehensive school system was introduced in 1965 by the Labour government to promote equality of opportunity in education
It aimed to replace the tripartite system with non-selective, all-ability schools where children of all backgrounds and abilities would be educated together
The 11+ exam was to be phased out, and students were expected to attend their local comprehensive school, regardless of ability or class
The goal was to create a meritocratic system where success would be based on individual effort and ability, not background.
Theoretical views on comprehensive schools - functionalist
Comprehensives promote social integration, social solidarity and meritocracy by mixing students from very different backgrounds and abilities
Theoretical views on comprehensive schools - marxist
Marxists argue that comprehensive schools reproduce class inequality.
Streaming and setting often place working-class students in lower groups, leading to lower expectations, limited opportunities, and fewer qualifications
Theoretical views on comprehensive schools - liberal feminists
Liberal feminists see comprehensives as having made progress in reducing gender stereotypes in subject choices and expectations. This is linked to improving academic performance among girls who outperform boys in many areas
Theoretical views on comprehensive schools - marxist feminists
Radical feminists argue that comprehensive schools remain patriarchal institutions that channel girls into stereotypical subject choices. This results in low-status and low-paid careers
Theoretical views on comprehensive schools - new right
Comprehensives lack standards, as there is poor discipline in inner-city schools and lower academic performance due to a lack of competition and choice
strengths of the comprehensive system - social barriers broken down
Social barriers are broken down
Children of different abilities and social classes mix, which can promote tolerance and understanding
strengths of the comprehensive system - non-selective admission
Non-selective admissions:
All children have access regardless of academic ability, so no child is labelled a "failure" at 11, due to the 11+ exams
This is a fairer system, particularly for late developers
strengths of the comprehensive system - broader curriculum and qualifications
Broader curriculum and qualifications
A range of academic and vocational pathways supports less academic students
strengths of the comprehensive system - strong comprehensives perform well
Strong comprehensives perform well
Top schools often match or exceed private school results
strengths of the comprehensive system - catchment areas
Catchment areas
Encourages community engagement by enrolling local students
weaknesses of the comprehensive system - limited parental choice
Limited parental choice
Most students must attend their nearest school, regardless of its quality or reputation
weaknesses of the comprehensive system - reproduces class inequality
Reproduces class inequality
Schools in working-class areas remain predominantly working-class (e.g., inner-city schools), limiting true social mixing
weaknesses of the comprehensive system - catchment inequality
Catchment inequality
Popular comprehensives increase local house prices, pricing out working-class families
weaknesses of the comprehensive system - streaming setting
Streaming and setting
Organising students in classes according to ability reinforces class divisions, as middle-class pupils dominate top sets
weaknesses of the comprehensive system - mixed-ability teaching challenges
Mixed-ability teaching challenges
Critics argue that more able students may be held back by slower learners in mixed-ability classes
weaknesses of the comprehensive system - not fully comprehensive nationwide
Not fully comprehensive nationwide
Some local authorities still maintain grammar schools, meaning selection still exists in parts of the UK
Education policies 1979-1988
Following the 1979 election, the Conservative government, led by Margaret Thatcher, introduced major changes to education policy
The focus shifted from promoting equal opportunities to emphasising marketisation, parental choice, and competition
These are key features of New Right ideology
Key developments and the Education Reform Act
1979: Thatcher becomes Prime Minister, promoting greater parental choice
1980s: Introduction of ‘new vocationalism’
These were schemes designed to prepare young people for work, as it was argued that unemployment was caused by a skills crisis
E.g., YTS and GNVQs
1988: The Education Reform Act (ERA) introduces key reforms to endorse marketisation, parental choice, and competition:
National Curriculum: All state schools must follow a set programme of subjects
Standardised testing: SATs and GCSEs introduced to measure performance
Ofsted inspections: External assessments of school performance begin
League tables: School performance is ranked and published to encourage competition and parental choice
Selection: Schools could select a portion of their intake
City Technology Colleges: Set up in inner-city areas to raise standards and increase parental choice
Diversification: More school types introduced, including grant-maintained schools with control on marketing, admissions, and selection
Criticisms of the Education Reform Act (1988) - over emphasis on testing
Overemphasis on testing
The ERA introduced frequent testing (e.g., SATs and GCSEs), which placed pressure on students and teachers
Critics argue this led to "teaching to the test", where lessons focused on exam performance rather than deep understanding or creativity
Criticisms of the Education Reform Act (1988) - flawed marketing principles
Flawed market principles
The education system was framed as a market, with schools competing for pupils
However, parents don’t pay fees, so the concept of a true market based on price and choice doesn’t fully apply
Criticisms of the Education Reform Act (1988) - unfair school practices
Unfair school practices
To boost league table performance, some schools excluded low-achieving pupils to protect their image
This practice prioritised results over inclusion, disadvantaging vulnerable or struggling students
Criticisms of the Education Reform Act (1988) - restricted parental choice
Restricted parental choice
Although the ERA promised greater choice, popular schools filled up quickly, leaving many parents unable to access their preferred school
In reality, parental choice was limited by catchment areas, availability, and oversubscription
Marketisation and parentocracy in education
The 1988 Education Reform Act (ERA) introduced the concept of marketisation - the idea that schools should operate like businesses in a competitive market
Schools were expected to compete for students and funding, and parents were given more consumer-like power to choose where to send their children
This increase in parental choice over education is referred to as parentocracy
New Right thinkers supported marketisation, arguing that
Competition between schools would raise standards
Parents, as “customers”, would drive improvement by choosing the best-performing schools
Underperforming schools would be pressured to improve or face closure
Key features of marketisation - school promotion
To attract students, schools began marketing themselves through:
Websites showing exam results, Ofsted reports, and curriculum details
Prospectuses highlighting facilities, subjects, and school culture
Social media presence and open evenings to engage prospective parents and showcase strengths
Key features of marketisation - league tables
Published annually by the Department for Education, league tables show how schools perform in GCSEs, SATs, and other national tests
These enable parents to compare schools based on exam success and make informed choices
Schools ranked higher in the tables are more likely to attract applications and funding
Key features of marketisation - types of schools
There is a wider range of types of schools for parents to choose from, such as free schools, faith schools, and specialist schools
Parents were no longer limited to the local catchment area, enabling them to shop around for schools that suited their child’s needs or talents
Key features of marketisation - formula funding
Schools receive funding based on how many pupils they enrol
Popular schools attract more students, leading to more funding and better facilities
This can result in a cycle of success where well-funded schools continue to thrive
Businesses may also sponsor schools, offering resources or work experience
Key features of marketisation - open enrolment
Successful schools are allowed to expand up to their physical capacity
This gives more students access to high-performing schools and encourages schools to grow and improve
Criticisms of marketisation and parentocracy - two-tier education system
A two-tier education system
The 1988 ERA allowed schools to select students, leading to a hierarchy of schools
Top-performing schools were able to attract better pupils, while lower-ranked schools were left with students rejected elsewhere
Criticisms of marketisation and parentocracy - social class inequality
Social class inequality
Ball, Bowe and Gewirtz (1994) argue that marketisation policies have reinforced middle-class advantage
High-achieving schools tend to cream-skim the most academic students, often from middle-class families, and are less likely to admit students with learning difficulties
Criticisms of marketisation and parentocracy - parentocracy is a myth
Parentocracy is a myth
Parental power is not distributed equally
Middle-class parents can use their economic capital (e.g., moving to better catchment areas), cultural capital (understanding how the system works), and social capital (networks and influence) to secure places at the best schools
Criticisms of marketisation and parentocracy - inequalities between schools
Inequalities between schools
Marketisation has widened the gap between schools in affluent vs disadvantaged areas
Schools in middle-class areas attract more funding, better facilities, and high-quality teachers
In contrast, schools in working-class areas may enter a self-fulfilling cycle of decline, where poor results lead to falling applications and reduced funding, making improvement even harder
Education policies 1997-2010
The New Labour governments (Tony Blair and Gordon Brown) introduced a wide range of education policies between 1997 and 2010, blending ideas from both New Right and Social Democratic traditions
Labour retained and modified the New Right policies of marketisation and encouraged some privatisation of aspects of the education system
Their main aims were to:
raise standards in schools
promote social inclusion
improve working-class students' access to education
Key developments to reduce inequality - 1997
The Labour government takes power
Expanded specialist schools to raise standards in specific subject areas
Primary school class sizes reduced to a maximum of 30 pupils for 5–7-year-olds
Key developments to reduce inequality - 1998
Specialist schools are allowed to select up to 10% of students based on subject aptitude
Introduced free nursery places for 3- and 4-year-olds to improve early years education
Launched the New Deal: training, education, or work placements for unemployed young people to improve their chances of finding work
Education Action Zones (EAZs) were created in deprived areas to improve school performance through additional funding and private partnerships
University tuition fees were introduced to help fund expanding higher education
Key developments to reduce inequality - 1999
Introduced Education Maintenance Allowance (EMA): financial support to encourage post-16 students from low-income families to stay in education
Sure Start launched: an early intervention programme offering parenting support, childcare, and healthcare for families in disadvantaged areas
Excellence in Cities (EiC) replaced EAZs to continue raising attainment in urban schools through targeted support
Key developments to reduce inequality - 2001
City Academies were introduced to replace failing inner-city schools, often sponsored by private or voluntary groups
Further expansion of specialist schools, aiming for half of all secondary schools to achieve specialist status by 2005
Key developments to reduce inequality - 2002-2007
AimHigher (2004): designed to increase university access for students from working-class families and ethnic minority groups
Young Gifted and Talented programme (2007): aimed to stretch the most able students, including those from underrepresented backgrounds
Evaluation of New Labour's policies to reduce inequality - raised standards and targeted support
Raised standards and Targeted Support
New Labour policies led to a rise in the number of students achieving five or more GCSEs at grade C, including improvements among some ethnic minority groups
Evaluation of New Labour's policies to reduce inequality - contradictory approach to equality
Contradictory approach to equality
Although Labour aimed to support poorer students through EMAs, they also introduced university tuition fees and replaced grants with repayable loans
These reforms may have discouraged working-class students from progressing to higher education, creating a paradox in Labour's approach
Evaluation of New Labour's policies to reduce inequality - gender gaps persisted
Gender gaps persisted
Despite progress in some areas, boys' achievement continued to lag behind that of girls throughout Labour’s time in office
This suggests that New Labour’s reforms did not fully address gender-based educational inequality
Evaluation of New Labour's policies to reduce inequality - class divide remained
Class divide remained
Ball (2013) observed that the class gap in educational achievement between working-class and middle-class students persisted
Middle-class parents continued to benefit from cultural capital, school choice, and access to higher-performing schools
Evaluation of New Labour's policies to reduce inequality - widening inequality in higher education
Widening inequality in higher education
Tomlinson (2005) pointed out that although more working-class students entered higher education, inequality widened
This was due to the number of middle-class entrants increasing even faster
Marketisation and privatisation under New Labour
While New Labour aimed to reduce inequality, they also continued and expanded market-based reforms introduced by the Conservatives
These included a stronger role for the private sector and school performance measures
Marketisation and privatisation under New Labour - raising standards through competition
Labour retained school league tables and required all schools to meet national exam performance targets
Underperforming schools, often in disadvantaged areas, were closed or rebranded as City Academies, supported by business sponsors
The aim was to drive up standards through new leadership and investment
Marketisation and privatisation under New Labour - privatisation of educational services
Labour introduced the Private Finance Initiative (PFI) to fund the construction of new schools and colleges
These were built and managed by private companies, then leased back to the state
Private exam boards, SATs testing services, and some Ofsted inspections became outsourced to private providers
This shift led to increasing concerns that education was being treated like a business, focused more on efficiency and profit than student outcomes
Criticisms of marketisation and privatisation - PFI led to long term financial burdens
PFI led to long-term financial burdens
Chitty (2014) criticised PFI schemes for being more expensive than planned, placing financial strain on local authorities
Criticisms of marketisation and privatisation - private contractions were inefficient
Private contractors were inefficient
Chitty also highlighted that private firms often failed to deliver services on time or cost-effectively compared to local authority provision
This undermines the New Right's belief that the private sector is inherently more efficient
Criticisms of marketisation and privatisation - commodification of education
Commodification of education
Ball (2007) argued that education has become commodified, meaning it is increasingly viewed as a product rather than a public service
He identified the rise of an Education Services Industry (ESI) that profits from running services formerly controlled by the state (e.g., school meals, testing, curriculum design)
Education policies from 2010
From 2010 onwards, UK education policy has undergone significant reform
The Conservative–Liberal Democrat Coalition (2010–2015) was led by David Cameron
Successive Conservative governments (2015–2024) under David Cameron, Theresa May, Boris Johnson, Liz Truss, and Rishi Sunak
These governments built on earlier New Right and New Labour ideas, promoting further marketisation, privatisation, and school autonomy, while reducing direct state intervention
Key developments and reforms - 2010
The coalition government takes office under David Cameron
Academies Act introduced:
All outstanding state and faith schools are allowed to convert to academies
Encouraged private sponsors and educational businesses to run schools, furthering privatisation
Free Schools authorised:
State-funded but run by parents, charities, or religious groups
By 2014, 331 free schools had opened or been approved
Higher education tuition fee cap raised from £3,000 to £9,000 per year
Key developments and reforms - 2011
Education Maintenance Allowance (EMA) abolished in England and Wales, cutting support for post-16 students from low-income families
AimHigher programme scrapped: previously aimed to widen participation in higher education
Michael Gove announces school rebuilding plan using Private Finance Initiative (PFI)—further privatisation of school infrastructure
Key developments and reforms - 2013
School leaving age raised to 17 as part of efforts to reduce youth unemployment and encourage further education
Curriculum reforms introduced:
Emphasis on traditional teaching methods, core knowledge, and "rigour"
Shift toward academic qualifications, such as tougher GCSEs and A-levels
Key developments and reforms - 2014
Pupil Premium introduced:
Extra funding allocated to schools for each child eligible for free school meals (FSM)
Aimed to close the attainment gap between disadvantaged and better-off students
Free school meals for all children in reception, Year 1, and Year 2 were introduced in England
Key developments and reforms - 2015
School leaving age raised to 18, requiring all young people to stay in education, training, or apprenticeships until adulthood
Conservatives win a majority and continue policies promoting academisation, standardised testing, and school accountability
Key developments and reforms - 2016
University grants abolished for the poorest students and replaced with loans, adding to concerns about access to higher education
Critics warn that this may deter high-achieving students from disadvantaged backgrounds from applying to university
Key developments and reforms - 2017-2024
Continued expansion of academies and free schools (2017)
Greater focus on discipline, behaviour, and attendance, including government-backed policies like mobile phone bans and attendance crackdowns (2019)
Growing concern around teacher recruitment, mental health support, and inequality exacerbated by COVID-19 (2020)
Introduction of T-levels (vocational qualifications) to improve skills-based education (2020)
Evaluation of Coalition and Conservative education policies - raised standards and curriculum rigour
Raised standards and curriculum rigour
Emphasis on core subjects, tougher exams, and a knowledge-rich curriculum aimed to improve academic performance
Some schools, particularly academies, have shown improved Ofsted ratings and exam results
Evaluation of Coalition and Conservative education policies - support for disadvantages pupils
Support for disadvantaged pupils
Policies like the Pupil Premium and National Tutoring Programme were designed to close the attainment gap post-COVID
These aimed to target support where it was most needed
Evaluation of Coalition and Conservative education policies - increased inequality
Increased inequality
Abolishing EMA and maintenance grants, alongside £9,000+ tuition fees, made post-16 and higher education less accessible to working-class students.
Marketisation encouraged social segregation between schools
Evaluation of Coalition and Conservative education policies - overemphasis on testing and league tables
Overemphasis on testing and league tables
The system prioritises exam performance and school rankings, leading to teaching that focuses on "teaching to the test" rather than deep learning
This can increase pressure on students and staff while narrowing the curriculum (e.g., reduced arts provision)
Evaluation of Coalition and Conservative education policies - teacher retention and work load
Teacher retention and workload
Ongoing issues with teacher recruitment, retention, and workload stress have affected school performance and morale
Government responses have been criticised as inadequate, especially post-COVID
privatisation of education
Privatisation is where functions and services that were once provided by the state are transferred to private businesses, often intending to generate profit
In education, this means parts of the school system are run by private companies, often through contracts or partnerships with the state
privatisation of education - academy chains
Many academies now belong to multi-academy trusts (MATs), which operate like business networks
privatisation of education - supply teachers
Schools increasingly use private recruitment agencies to hire supply teachers, which can be more costly and shift control away from local authorities
privatisation of education - private finance initiative
Under PFI, private firms build and maintain school buildings, while the public sector pays back long-term leases
privatisation of education - privately run testing and exams
The Educational Testing Service (ETS), a U.S.-based company, was contracted to manage SATs exams for 11- and 14-year-olds
Some major exam boards (e.g., Pearson Edexcel) operate as for-profit businesses, selling qualifications, textbooks, and revision services
privatisation of education - educational software and edtech
Schools now rely on private platforms such as MyMaths, Google Classroom, and others to deliver digital learning, homework tracking, and data management
privatisation of education - ofsted inspection contracts
In 2013, inspection services were outsourced to three private contractors—Tribal, SERCO, and CfBT Education Trust—raising concerns about consistency and commercial motives
privatisation of education - commercial branding in schools
Branded food and drink outlets (e.g., Costa, Subway) operate in some colleges and universities
Vending machines and branded sponsorships expose students to advertising within educational environments
Evaluation of the privatisation of education - new right perspective is efficiency and choice
New Right sociologists argue that state-run services are inefficient and wasteful
They claim private companies are more likely to deliver high-quality, cost-effective education
Privatisation is said to offer greater parental choice and the incentive to raise standards
Evaluation of the privatisation of education - education as a commodity
Critics argue that privatisation transforms education into something to be bought and sold, rather than a basic human right
This risks deepening social inequality, as the best educational opportunities may become unaffordable to working-class and disadvantaged families
Ball (2007) warns that this process leads to ‘education for profit’ rather than for public good
Evaluation of the privatisation of education - loss of accountability
Private providers are not directly accountable to the public in the way local authorities are
Decisions about school services, staffing, and curriculum may be driven by profit not student welfare or educational values
Evaluation of the privatisation of education - marxist perspective is expansion of neoliberal capitalism
Marxist sociologists view privatisation as part of a broader neoliberal ideology that aims to open up public sectors—like education and healthcare—for capitalist exploitation
They argue it benefits the middle class and private corporations while leaving working-class communities under-resourced
Globalisation of education
Globalisation refers to the increasing interconnectedness of the world through the flow of people, ideas, information, and economic activity across borders
Technologies like the internet, air travel, and global media have made the world feel smaller and more integrated than ever before
Examples of global influence on UK education - curriculum and policy changes
A more multicultural curriculum has been developed to reflect the diversity of modern Britain and global society
Michael Gove claimed his curriculum reforms drew inspiration from high-performing countries like Singapore, Hong Kong, and Finland, focusing on knowledge-rich content
Examples of global influence on UK education - educational ideas from abroad
The concept of free schools in England was influenced by similar models in Sweden and the USA
The International Baccalaureate (IB) is increasingly offered as an alternative to A Levels, promoting global-mindedness and international standards
Examples of global influence on UK education - education as a global business
Ball (2012) notes that elite British schools and universities now market themselves globally, opening campuses abroad (e.g., in China, Singapore, Russia) and attracting international students
British exam boards (e.g., Edexcel, AQA, Cambridge) provide GCSEs, A Levels, and vocational qualifications to students in 160+ countries
Examples of global influence on UK education - international student mobility
Many UK students are now choosing to study abroad in countries like the Netherlands, Germany, and the USA, often due to lower tuition fees and courses taught in English
Evaluation of the globalisation of education - broader access to ideas and innovation
Globalisation encourages policy learning from successful education systems, promoting higher standards and better teaching practices
Evaluation of the globalisation of education - increased choice and cultural awareness
The rise of international qualifications (e.g., IB) and multicultural content supports global citizenship and awareness of diverse cultures
Evaluation of the globalisation of education - pressure to conform to economic priorities
Critics argue that education has become too economically focused, driven by the needs of global markets rather than holistic development or democratic citizenship
Evaluation of the globalisation of education - inequality in access
Global educational opportunities often favour middle- and upper-class students, who are more likely to access international schools, study abroad, or benefit from globalised resources
Policies aimed at increasing opportunities for disadvantaged students (class) - 1965 labour
Introduction of the comprehensive school system to promote equality of opportunity in education
Policies aimed at increasing opportunities for disadvantaged students (class) - 1998 new labour
New Deal for young people
Education Action Zones (EAZs) created in deprived areas
Policies aimed at increasing opportunities for disadvantaged students (class) - 1999 new labour
Education Maintenance Allowance (EMA) was a cash incentives for post-16 students from low-income families
Sure Start centres launched to support early years in disadvantaged areas
Policies aimed at increasing opportunities for disadvantaged students (class) - 2004 new labour
AimHigher introduced to encourage university participation for working-class students
Policies aimed at increasing opportunities for disadvantaged students (class) - 2014 liberal democrats under coalition
Pupil premium provided extra funding for children eligible for free school meals
Policies that reinforced or increased inequality (class) - 1944 conservatives
The tripartite system introduced, where grammar schools favoured middle-class children (Butler Act).
Policies that reinforced or increased inequality (class) - 1988 conservatives
Marketisation and parental choice gave middle-class families more advantages (Gerwirtz, 1994)
Policies that reinforced or increased inequality (class) - 1998 new labour
University tuition fees introduced, which discouraged some working-class students from applying to university