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These flashcards cover the main arguments, key terms, theoretical frameworks, case studies, and critiques presented in Giles Dodson’s chapter on the decline of traditional civic media and the rise of new online modes of civic engagement, with special attention to youth political identities and organisations like Generation Zero.
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What core tension lies at the heart of liberal representative democracy?
The tension between governance by elected representatives and direct citizen involvement in democratic decision-making.
Why have news media traditionally been considered vital civic institutions?
Because they mediate large-scale public dialogue, provide balanced debate, and supply transparency and accountability (the ‘fourth estate’ function).
Which major economic trend has contributed to the commodification and hyper-commercialism of news?
Neoliberal market forces driving news as a product rather than a public good.
How has the internet most directly disrupted traditional news business models?
By shifting advertising revenue to low-overhead online platform technologies such as Google, Facebook and Trade Me.
What was the Commerce Commission’s 2017 decision regarding NZME and Stuff Limited, and why?
It rejected their merger to prevent over-concentration that would harm media quality and plurality, deemed against the public interest.
Name two alternative funding models New Zealand outlets have adopted to survive the revenue crisis.
Paywalls for ‘premium’ content (e.g., NZ Herald) and hybrid free/subscription/donation models (e.g., Newsroom, The Spinoff).
According to Putnam’s ‘Bowling Alone’, what indicators show declining civic engagement?
Lower voter turnout, reduced participation in institutions like unions, churches, parties, and declining trust in institutions such as media and politicians.
What term describes low-effort online political acts sometimes criticised as superficial?
‘Slacktivism’ (or clicktivism).
Why do critics argue that ‘slacktivism’ may be an unfair label for online activism?
It applies conventional ‘dutiful citizenship’ standards and risks overlooking novel, networked forms of meaningful political engagement.
Define ‘connective action’ as proposed by Bennett & Segerberg (2012).
Forms of collective action organised through personalised, digitally networked communication where individual expression joins to create large-scale mobilisation.
What are ‘personal action frames’?
Issue framings that emphasise individual values and identities, enabling personal expression while linking people to collective political actions online.
How do ‘hybrid’ campaigning organisations differ from traditional NGOs?
They fluidly switch repertoires, mix online and offline tactics, and act as think-tank, lobby, media outlet and social-movement platform depending on opportunity.
What is meant by ‘campaign entrepreneurialism’?
Agile, issue-specific, rapid-response campaigning that exploits digital data and narrative strategies to mobilise supporters quickly.
Explain Marshall Ganz’s three-part ‘public narrative’ model.
Story of Self (personal values), Story of Us (shared community), Story of Now (urgent call to action).
What risk does affective storytelling pose, according to Vromen (2017)?
Oversimplifying complex structural issues into emotional binaries, potentially undermining rational analysis.
Which New Zealand initiative was created to fill gaps in local public-interest reporting?
The Local Democracy Reporting initiative (RNZ, NZ On Air, Newspaper Publishers Association).
Give two examples of new civic-media anxiety terms describing today’s information environment.
‘Post-truth’ and ‘fake news’ (also ‘alternative facts’).
How are youth political identities described in the networked era?
Individualised, lifestyle- and issue-based, relational, and less tied to class, ideology or traditional media narratives.
What is ‘networked young citizenship’ (Loader et al., 2014)?
Young people’s civic engagement characterised by personalised, digitally mediated networks rather than formal institutional participation.
List three common individualised political actions noted by Vromen (2017).
Signing petitions, consumer boycotts or ethical purchasing, and donating money or volunteering.
Why can 10,000 emails be less powerful than 10,000 protesters on Parliament grounds (Hall, 2019)?
Offline collective presence often exerts greater visible pressure on decision-makers than online messages.
What does Nina Hall mean by ‘norm-preneurs’?
Campaign organisations or leaders who purposefully try to shift social norms around issues via strategic communication.
Identify two critiques of concentrated media ownership in New Zealand.
High vulnerability to disruptions (e.g., Covid-19 downturns) and potential loss of plurality and quality journalism.
Which major magazine publisher exited New Zealand in 2020, illustrating the media crisis?
Bauer Media, closing titles like The New Zealand Listener, North & South, and Metro.
How has the rise of PR and strategic communications affected journalism integrity?
Better-resourced PR operations can penetrate under-resourced newsrooms, shaping agendas to client needs and eroding trust.
Name two global online progressive campaigning organisations similar to Generation Zero.
MoveOn (USA) and GetUp! (Australia) – also 38 Degrees (UK), LeadNow (Canada), ActionStation (NZ).
What is Generation Zero’s primary focus, and when was it formed?
Youth-led climate-change advocacy; formed in 2011 after the 2010 UN Climate Change Conference.
Give one Generation Zero campaign that influenced national legislation.
Advocacy for the Zero Carbon Bill (now Climate Change Response Amendment Act 2019).
How does Generation Zero illustrate campaign hybridity?
Combines on-the-ground events (e.g., protests, submissions) with sophisticated online mobilisation, data analytics, and narrative branding.
Why is Generation Zero’s supporter base described as ‘demographically narrow’?
Research shows it is largely young, white, urban, middle-class Aucklanders aligned to centre-left politics.
What dual strategy does Generation Zero claim to follow?
Raising public awareness/behaviour change and mobilising supporters to engage directly in politics.
What central challenge do established journalism outlets face, described as being ‘between a rock and a hard place’?
Balancing democratic responsibility for quality news with economic survival while barred from further consolidation that would hurt plurality.
How has the term ‘surveillance capitalism’ (Zuboff, 2019) relevance to media decline?
Platform giants monetise user data for targeted ads, siphoning revenue from traditional media and eroding journalistic sustainability.
What does the chapter suggest about redefining active citizenship norms?
They must adapt to personalised, network-driven, entrepreneurial modes of engagement rather than solely ‘dutiful’ collective models.