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Transnational Advocacy Networks in International Politics- Keck and Sikkink- Transnational advocacy network
Actors (1) working internationally on an issue, (2) who are bound together by shared values, (3) a common discourse, (4) and dense exchanges of information and services. Multiply channels of access to the international system. Promote new norms and norm implementation
Transnational advocacy network members
International and domestic NGOs, local social movements, foundations, the media, churches, trade unions, consumer organizations, intellectuals, parts of regional and international organizations
Campaigns
Sets of strategically linked activities in which members of a diffuse principled network develop explicit, visible ties, and mutually recognized roles in pursuit of a common goal
When are transnational advocacy networks most likely to emerge?
Channels between domestic society and government are blocked
Activists believe networking will further their missions
Conferences and international contact create opportunities to form and strengthen networks
What tactics to transnational advocacy networks use
Information politics
symbolic politics
leverage politics
accountability politics
How are transnational advocacy networks effective?
Issue creation and agenda setting
Influence on discursive positions (states or IO’s)
Influence on institutional procedures
Influence on policy change
Transnational advocacy networks issue characteristics
Issues that involve ideas about right and wrong. Generate strong emotions. Attract interest of volunteers and activists. Problems whose causes can be assigned to the deliberate (intentional) actions of identifiable individuals
What two issues within transnational advocacy networks are usually most effective?
Issues involving bodily harm to vulnerable individuals, especially if there’s a short and clear causal chain assigning responsibility
Issues involving legal equality of opportunity
Network actors
dense, with many actors, strong connections, and reliable information
Target actors
vulnerable to material incentives or social pressure
Domestic monitoring
Human rights change requires domestic monitoring. There is power from transnational advocacy networks pushing from the outside (boomerang pattern). But there are domestic actors inside the apparatus.
What Works in Human Rights Institutions- Katerina Linos and Tom Pegram main questions:
When do National Human Rights Institutions work? What is the role of formal design?
What is an NHRI?
A state-created, semi-autonomous body established by a national government to promote and protect human rights locally.
It is NOT an NGO (it’s funded by the state).
It is NOT a court (it usually can’t issue binding judgements).
It is NOT just another ministry (it’s supposed to be independent)
Core functions of an NHRI
Investigating individual complaints
Advising the government on law and policy
Public education and awareness
Monitoring compliance with international treaties
What are NHRI’s key for?
NHRIs are a key domestic intermediary. They act as a formal link between the state, civil society and international law
What are the two prerequisites for effectiveness
Independence: guaranteed autonomy from the executive branch (e.g., stable budgets, fixed terms for commissioners/ombudsperson)
Pluralism: diverse membership, ensuring representation of civil society
What two principles are NHRI’s peer reviewed against?
Reputational incentives
International legitimacy
What Works in Human Rights Institutions: Linos and Pergam argument
formal institutional safeguards are the key to an NHRI’s efficacy, even in authoritarian or transition regimes
What is a formal safeguard
Specific rules codified in the NHRI’s founding legislation that structurally protect it from political interference
Examples of formal safeguards
Financial autonomy: guaranteed, non-discretionary budget
Selection process: transparent, merit-based process for selecting leaders
Term limits: fixed non-renewable terms, making them immune to easy firing
What do rules for NHRI’s do?
insulate the NHRI, raising the political cost for the government if it tries to undermine or politicize the institution
What Works in Human Rights Institutions: Linos and Pergam complaint handling findings
NHRIs with a strong, active complaint-handling mandate (power to investigate individual rights violations) are the most effective overall. This is due to constituency building, data generation, and procedural legitimacy
What Works in Human Rights Institutions: Linos and Pergam Conclusions
Domestic actors benefit from international allies. Especially in contexts where society-state channels are blocked
TANs transmit information and generate pressure that lead to change
When designing institutions, formal rules can protect them from political capture
IOs can have significant influence over domestic governance suing soft tools
NHRIs show how legal design is inherently political, enabling domestic actors to survive hostility
Boomerang Model
Explains how TANs affect states’ human rights policies
Network of domestic NGOs, INGOs, IOs, and foreign/like-minded states
Mobilization of information and shame
But no clear if there are actors that matter more than others
IO’s selective adoption of NGO information- Mintao Nie Focus and Question
Which NGOs are more likely to influence IOs? Study of the reported prepared by the UN High Commissioner on Human Rights for the UPR session.
IO’s selective adoption of NGO information- Mintao Nie Findings
IO staff prioritizes information provided by NGOs that:
Have high reputation (ECOSOC consultative status)
Use neutral language in referring to states’ human rights practices
Work with other NGOs (joint statements)
Boomerang Model Roles
Put issues on the international community’s agenda
Assist domestic advocacy groups in their own struggle against human rights violations
Pressure other states and international organizations to join in advocacy attempts through naming and shaming
what is naming and shaming?
Strategy to publicly expose violations of human rights norms by states, organizations, or individuals to pressure compliance
Naming and Shaming characteristics
Relies on publicity as a tool for accountability
Often involves NGOs, international organizations, or states
Targets reputational damage to compel behavioral change
tools to publicize wrongdoings
public statements
reports
resolutions
media campaigns
social media activism
What naming and shaming is NOT
not a legal sanction, doesn’t involve penalties
not a substitute for other types of enforcement
not always evidence based
not inherently impartial
Why do NGOs name and shame?
mission driven
Collect evidence, analyze it, and think public pressure could work
Why do states name and shame?
Believe it is the right thing to do
Reputation as a human rights promoter
Domestic pressure (voters, interest groups, NGOs)
Weaponization of rights
Why do international organizations name and shame?
Follow mandate
Pressure by member states
Access to high-quality data (local NGOs)
Why does the media name and shame?
There’s a demand from consumers/readers/viewers
Sensational stories
Shaming and Blaming- Amanda Murdie and David R Davis main ideas and questions
Boomerang model generates multiple expectations about the role of transnational activist network. But multiple actors involved (local NGOs, international NGOs, states, IOs…) Who matters? Does public condemnation change a repressive government’s actions?
Shaming and Blaming- Amanda Murdie and David R Davis research methods
Empirical study of the boomerang model
Analysis of 13 years of data (1992-2004)
CIRI and PTS as dependent variables
Study of shaming by INGOs and states
Shaming and Blaming- Amanda Murdie and David R Davis Argument
HRO shaming only leads to improvements in human rights practices when it interacts with one of two domestic/international forces: domestic pull, or international push
What is a domestic pull
a large presence of local HROs within the targeted state. They provide ground truth, sustained pressure, and a pathway for international information to reach domestic audiences
What is an international push
simultaneous pressure from third party actors (other states, IOs, other major INGOs). This creates powerful, unified diplomatic front
Shaming and Blaming- Amanda Murdie and David R Davis findings
HRO Shaming: Number of times a human rights organization criticized a country for their human rights record. HRO Shaming does not affect human rights practices alone. Needs backing from states: mentions of HRO Shaming
Shaming and Blaming- Amanda Murdie and David R Davis Conclusions
Monitoring is conditional, not automatic
Bureaucracy matters