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Post-Cold War Context
After the Cold War, traditional security threats declined (e.g., no more fear of Soviet expansion).
Latin America became less important in U.S. foreign policy.
No Soviet or German threat in the region anymore.
Region seen as relatively stable, with less urgency for intervention.
Rise of China shifted U.S. attention.
China became a major player in Latin America through trade, investment, and interest in raw materials.
U.S. had more space to focus on economic interests rather than military or regional security concerns.
U.S. Foreign Policy Toward Latin America
Was there a coherent policy?
The U.S. tried to pursue a consistent approach:
Promote democracy, human rights, and economic development.
Address drug trafficking and organized crime.
Examples: Support for anti-drug efforts in Colombia (Plan Colombia); economic aid and trade deals.
But... it was often inconsistent:
Policies changed with administrations (e.g., Obama vs. Trump).
Focused on short-term gains (like reducing migration) rather than solving root issues like poverty or corruption.
Critics say U.S. actions were often self-serving, not regionally collaborative.
Would a coherent policy help?
Yes, it could help build stronger, more stable partnerships.
Hard to achieve, because:
The region is diverse (different cultures, economies, politics).
Countries have different needs and relationships with the U.S.
Realist view of Globalization
Sees globalization as a threat to state control and sovereignty.
Focuses on border security and state power.
Emphasizes the need for states to protect their interests and maintain autonomy in a rapidly changing global landscape.
Liberal view of globalization
Supports globalization.
Sees it as driven by individual choice and economic opportunity.
Encourages cooperation, free movement, and interdependence.
Proponents argue it leads to greater prosperity and cultural exchange, benefiting societies globally.
Radical view of Globalization
globalization primarily serves corporate interests, increasing wealth gaps and undermining workers' rights, especially in developing nations.
Sees globalization as exploitative.
Worsens inequality between rich (Global North) and poor (Global South).
Big businesses benefit, workers suffer.
globalization
Increased mobility of goods, people, and ideas.
Porous borders → harder to control what crosses (e.g., drugs, migrants).
Spread of wanted goods (tech, investment) and unwanted ones (drugs, arms).
Migration became a major topic.
Environmental issues crossed borders (e.g., deforestation in the Amazon).
Implications of Globalization
creates both opportunities for cooperation and sources of conflict.
States often choose cooperation to avoid economic and political fallout.
the interconnectedness of economies and cultures across borders, leading to both positive and negative consequences for nations and communities.
Unilateralism
(acting alone, without global approval)
More common under George W. Bush (2000s).
Example: Iraq War – U.S. pushed for support from the UNSC but didn’t consult them on interventions in LA
Mexico and Chile were pressured at the UN to support the war, causing tension.
Venezuela under Hugo Chávez became a concern:
He used oil money to gain influence, especially in the Caribbean and OAS (Organization of American States).
The U.S. saw this as a threat to its dominance in the region
the policy of a state acting independently in international affairs, without seeking consent or collaboration from other countries or international organizations. This approach highlights a preference for pursuing national interests over multilateral negotiations.
Multilateralism
(working together through international institutions)
Promoted by Robert Pastor (liberal approach).
Encouraged diplomatic collaboration, mutual problem-solving.
Example: shared responsibility in tackling regional issues.
Advantages for the U.S.:
Spreads the burden of action.
Legitimizes U.S. policies through international support.
Challenges:
Institutions often use equal voting (e.g., Grenada = U.S.), which the U.S. dislikes.
U.S. wants more influence to reflect its power.
As a result, multilateralism can feel limiting for the U.S.
Leftist Wave
In the mid-2000s, many countries elected left-wing governments.
Seen as a response to failed neoliberal policies from the 80s–90s.
Examples: Venezuela (Chávez), Bolivia (Morales), Ecuador (Correa).
These leaders were:
Democratically elected, but often populist and anti-U.S..
Rejected neoliberalism and pushed state control of resources.
US response to Leftist Wave
The U.S. didn’t intervene much, even though Chávez openly criticized them.
Reasons:
Less strategic interest in the region.
Leftist governments weren’t always a clear military or security threat.
Venezuela's role in Leftist Wave
Chávez used oil wealth to:
Fund allies (e.g., Cuba).
Gain support in the region via programs like ALBA.
Challenge U.S. dominance in OAS.
Leftist wave challenges
Radical left was stronger in smaller or weaker economies.
Many countries (e.g., Brazil, Colombia) remained moderate or right-leaning.
Leftist strength relied on:
Oil money from Venezuela.
Commodity boom — when prices dropped, so did their power.
Their dependence on Chávez’s support made their influence unsustainable in the long run.
(Liberal) Modernization Theory (Sunkel)
Assumes a linear path to development: from traditional to modern society.
Argues that economic development leads to democracy, better governance, and higher living standards.
Promotes integration into the global economy as universally beneficial.
Example: Belief that competition and specialization will automatically lift countries into prosperity.
Radical Dependency Theory (Sunkel)
Economic underdevelopment in Latin America is a result of development in the Global North.
The North’s prosperity is directly linked to the South’s poverty.
Emphasizes exploitation through global capitalism.
Example: Latin American countries stuck exporting low-value goods (like bananas) while importing high-value manufactured goods.
Summary of Dependency Theory (Sunkel):
Rich countries grow at the expense of poor ones.
Global South’s underdevelopment is built into the global system.
Breaking free requires autonomy, reduced reliance on foreign capital, and prioritizing domestic industries.
Sunkel view on TNCs
TNCs distort development by dominating key sectors, outcompeting local businesses.
Skew social development by worsening inequality, creating enclaves of modernity surrounded by poverty.
Undue political influence: Shape domestic policies, weaken local sovereignty.
Technological impacts: Automation reduces labor needs, fewer jobs for locals.
Transnational integration, national disintegration: TNCs embed themselves in economies but bypass local communities.
Example: A mining company benefits elite and foreign investors while locals face pollution and displacement.
New Dependent Development (Geraffi)
Dependent Development:
Development is possible within dependency—e.g., through integration into global commodity chains.
Global (Asymmetrical) Commodity Chains (GCCs): Products are made through a sequence involving many countries, but profits and power are concentrated in the North.
Example: Latin America mines raw materials, while Northern firms do the design, branding, and high-profit steps.
New Dependency:
Adds tech, media, and cultural dimensions.
Dependency also within and among developed nations.
Some opportunities for advancement via ICT and digital integration.
Gereffi’s Contribution
Retains focus on global inequality.
Introduces the idea of "upgrading" in commodity chains.
Development is possible—but only if countries move up the value chain.
Example: Moving from raw coffee bean export to branding and selling high-end coffee.
Role of State in dependency development
States can manage dependency by setting conditions (e.g., requiring local hires or tech transfer).
Success varies: Brazil (skilled workforce, better leverage) vs. Bolivia (more limited bargaining tools).
Outsourcing & Industrialization:
Manufacturing jobs moved to Global South, but this does not equal Northern-style industrialization.
South often stuck in low-value tasks (assembly, raw materials).
Differentiation of Development
Some countries (like Chile) achieve stable growth; others (like Bolivia) lag behind. Some (like Peru) stay pretty stable (middling)
Political stability, legal systems, and institutional strength matter.
Historical Patterns of Economic Policy in Latin America
1930s–80s: Nationalist State Interventionism
Response to the Great Depression.
Policies: import substitution industrialization (ISI), state-led development, nationalization.
Outcome: Some progress, but also inefficiencies, debt crises.
1980s–90s: Neoliberal Market Reforms
Goals: Fight inflation, open markets, attract investment.
Features: Austerity, privatization, trade liberalization.
Pros: Inflation control, more foreign investment.
Cons: Social costs, industry collapse, return to primary goods exports.
Example: Local businesses couldn’t compete with cheap imports.
2000s–2010s: Partial Return to State Role
Moderate leftists: reform within the market (e.g., nationalizing oil/gas).
Radical leftists: move beyond market logic.
Fueled by commodity boom, often tied to Chinese demand.
China
Became top trading partner in many countries after 2000.
Buys raw materials (copper, soy), sells manufactured goods.
Boosted Latin American economies: more jobs, tax revenue, funding for social programs.
Example: Venezuela funded social policies with Chinese-backed oil revenues.
Opportunities:
Alternative to US hegemony.
New leverage for Latin American countries.
Economic support for leftist movements.
Risks:
New dependency: reliance on Chinese demand.
Lower accountability: Chinese firms less concerned about labor/environment than Western TNCs, because western TNCs are built on liberal tendencies, so must uphold this view of compatible interests.
Domestic industry strain: cheaper Chinese goods outcompete local producers.
Example: Mexican manufacturers struggled to compete with Chinese imports.
TNC Pros and Cons
Benefits:
Jobs, infrastructure, capital, tech transfer.
Harms:
Exploitation, environmental damage, limited long-term growth, inequality.
China as a Geopolitical Rival
China's role in Latin America is not just economic, they have the tools to become a potential political and military influence in the region
this is a Challenge to U.S. dominance in the region, causing china to be a potential geopolitical rival
Phases of Economic Integration in Latin America
Economic Nationalism (1950s–1970s)
Goal: Build complete, self-sufficient national economies.
Protectionist policies, ISI (Import Substitution Industrialization).
Strong state role in economic planning.
Neoliberalism (1980s–1990s)
Shift from national self-sufficiency to global market integration.
Emphasis on free trade, open markets, deregulation, privatization.
Major agreements: NAFTA, FTAA (proposed).
Principles: Reciprocity, mutual openness.
Post-Neoliberalism (2000s–Present)
Reaction against neoliberalism, especially from the left.
Emphasis on social inclusion, regional autonomy, political integration.
Brazil seeks regional leadership (e.g., UNASUR).
Proliferation of alternative regional integration schemes (e.g., ALBA).
Liberal view on economic integration
advocates that economic integration fosters collaboration between nations, leading to increased trade, mutual benefits, and enhanced diplomatic relations. It suggests that when countries engage economically, they are less likely to enter conflicts.
Free trade = mutual benefit and efficiency.
Integration promotes peace, democracy, prosperity.
Emphasis on economic interdependence and global norms
Radical view on economic integration
this perspective suggests that economic integration predominantly benefits Transnational Corporations (TNCs) while increasing inequality and jeopardizing labor rights. This view argues that such integration reinforces dependency on core countries, particularly the United States.
Exacerbates inequality, and undermines labor rights.
Strengthens dependency on core countries (esp. U.S.).
Realist view on economic integration
States act in self-interest; politics drive economics.
Integration as a tool for regional influence and power.
Example: NAFTA as U.S. geopolitical strategy to bind Mexico to U.S. rather than focus on trading or economics.
NAFTA
Nature: Neoliberal trade agreement (1994); replaced by USMCA (2018, minimal changes).
Effects:
Increased trade and investment.
Outsourcing of jobs to Mexico; U.S. job losses in manufacturing.
Mexican agriculture harmed by U.S. imports.
No regional compensation or social support mechanisms.
Helped Mexican economic diversification and limited democratic gains.
Critiques:
Failed to address inequality between U.S. and Mexico.
Mixed results; benefits unevenly distributed.
FTAA
Free Trade Area of the Americas, was proposed to create a trade agreement among countries in the Americas, aiming to eliminate trade barriers and promote economic integration across the hemisphere.
U.S. Goals: Hemisphere-wide free trade zone.
Latin American Resistance:
Fear of U.S. dominance.
Concerns about sovereignty, inequality, and local development.
Key Opponents: Venezuela (Chávez), Brazil.
U.S. Side Problems:
Unwillingness to compromise on agriculture, IP rights.
Shifted focus to bilateral deals (e.g., TPP).
ALBA
Founder: Hugo Chávez (Venezuela), supported by Cuba, Bolivia, others.
Goals:
Counter-hegemonic; block FTAA and NAFTA
Emphasize solidarity, social justice, and sovereignty.
Promote cooperation in education, health, energy.
Achievements:
Cuban doctors, subsidized oil, rhetorical leadership.
Limitations:
Lacked institutionalization.
Dependent on Chávez's leadership and oil wealth.
Weakened after Chávez's death and Venezuela’s crisis.
Which kind of integration is more beneficial?
The type of integration that is seen as more beneficial is often debated;
while integration without the U.S. allows for increased regional autonomy and sustainability,
integration with the U.S. provides access to capital and markets, though it may increase dependency on the U.S. economy.
U.S. Promotion of Democracy in Latin America
U.S. ideals vs. reality
Idealism, paternalism, inconsistency
Interests often prioritized over democratic principles
Democratic concerns sidelined except under some presidents (e.g., Carter, Kennedy)
Democracy in Latin America
Authoritarian wave in the 60s–70s
Shift towards democracy began in 1978 (e.g., Dominican Republic, Costa Rica)
1980s: emergence of multiple democratic governments
Perfect Democracy
Elections must be:
Free, fair, and competitive
Coupled with civil/human rights
Institutional strength:
Checks and balances
Rule of law
Societal prerequisites:
Security
Social and economic equality
Tensions between:
U.S. liberal democratic model
Latin American needs and realities
Populism
Key features:
Personalized, charismatic leadership
Anti-elitism, anti-institutionalism
Appeals to the "people"
Resistance to liberal constraints
Tactics:
Bold promises, rapid implementation
Loyalty-based appointments
Weakening of checks and balances
Left-wing populists: Aristide, Chávez, López Obrador
Right-wing populists: Fujimori, Bolsonaro, Bukele
Populism’s Impact on Democracy
Short-term empowerment of the majority
Long-term risks:
Authoritarian tendencies
Erosion of fair competition
Undermining judicial and legislative institutions
potential breakdown of liberal frameworks (weakening systems)
Honduras 2009 coup
President Zelaya:
Elected democratically, drifted toward authoritarianism
Sought constitutional reforms (re-election, like Chávez)
Opposition reaction:
Viewed reforms as unconstitutional
Congress and military forced him into exile
Outcome:
Neither side acted democratically
Congress assumed power (military overstepped)
International response:
OAS and UN condemned it as a coup
U.S. hesitant—balancing values vs. strategic interests
ALBA is seen as hypocritical (supportive of Chávez) why support democracy in Honduras but nowhere else?
Role of the U.S. in promoting democracy
Balancing act: democracy promotion vs. national interest
Criticism of U.S. actions:
Inconsistency (Wiarda)
Undermined credibility
What should the U.S. do?
Promote democracy through development, partnerships
Limit coercion (e.g., avoid overreliance on sanctions/force)
Respect Latin American sovereignty
OAS in promoting democracy
Successes:
Monitoring elections
Diplomatic pressure
Challenges:
Limited enforcement capacity
Handling deep-rooted issues like corruption, inequality
Relation to U.S. influence:
Platform for U.S. democracy agenda
But perceived as biased by some
Human Rights
Origins & Philosophy
Rooted in Western political liberalism and secularism
Emphasizes individual rights as universal principles
Proclaimed widely, but inconsistently upheld in practice
Tensions within the concept:
Individual vs. collective rights
Freedom from (negative liberty—e.g., torture, censorship) vs. Freedom to (positive liberty—e.g., education, housing)
Freedom from = enforceable, judicial clarity
Freedom to = aspirational, state must act (more subjective)
Contradictions:
Liberal rights vs. socio-economic rights
Idealism vs. political limitations in real-world contexts
Human Rights in International Relations
Evolution of norms:
Shift from state-centric to transnational systems
Human rights violations no longer considered “internal affairs”
Tensions with state sovereignty:
Sovereignty as pacification mechanism (Hobbesian peace)
But sovereignty now morally constrained by human rights
Rising transnational pressures (NGOs, international law, civil society)
Latin America's major dilemmas:
How to address past human rights violations from dictatorships?
Trials vs. amnesty vs. truth commissions?
Human Rights vs Democratic Stability (Lessa et al.)
Post-authoritarian challenges:
Military often retains de facto power (control over arms)
Amnesty laws often used to protect transition stability
Tensions:
Justice vs. Stability
Moral obligation vs. Political prudence
Consequences of prosecutions:
May destabilize fragile democracies
Risk of authoritarian backlash
Dictators’ incentives:
Stay in power to avoid trial
Amnesty gives them a reason to leave peacefully
Timing paradox:
Moral urgency highest when wounds are fresh
Political feasibility increases over time—but perpetrators may die unpunished
Transitional Justice in Latin America
Argentina:
1980s: Military prosecuted → backlash → pardons issued
2000s: Stronger democracy → Congress overturned amnesty laws
Chile:
Truth commissions (e.g., Rettig Report)
Exposed abuses, named perpetrators—without prosecuting
Civil society (lawyers, NGOs) pushed for justice
Legal loophole: Disappearance = ongoing crime → prosecution possible
Key takeaways:
Strong civil society enables justice efforts
Military power inversely related to prosecutorial ability
Long-term accountability can emerge even after initial pardons
Universal Jurisdiction (Fowler)
Definition:
Certain crimes (e.g., genocide, torture, crimes against humanity) affect all of humanity → any country can prosecute
Advantages:
Circumvents domestic legal/political blockages
Symbolic and legal reaffirmation of justice
Challenges:
Jurisdictional confusion (legal gray areas)
Risk of political manipulation
Potential backlash from powerful states (e.g., U.S.)
Pinochet Case (1998):
Arrested in London on Spanish warrant
There were no Spanish victims? He was not in Spain? He wasn’t Spanish. He was prosecuted under universal jurisdiction
Sparked international legal debate
Political fallout:
UK caught in diplomatic storm
Chile insisted on sovereign right to decide
Example of idealism vs. realpolitik
U.S. Role and Influence in Jurisdiction
U.S. actions and contradictions:
Publicly supports human rights
But resists international courts (e.g., ICC immunity agreements)
policy under Bush = exempt U.S. personnel from ICC prosecution
Lessa, Olsen:
U.S.-based actors can support trials via:
Diplomatic pressure
Funding and advocacy for civil society
Sanctions and conditional aid
Risks of foreign involvement:
Undermining sovereignty
Political backlash
Selective justice (going after enemies, not allies)
Legal Issues in Immigration
Key Point: Unauthorized immigration exposes people to exploitation and undermines legal systems.
Argument: The U.S. system is dysfunctional and requires bipartisan legal reform through Congress.
Example: Lack of legal pathways leads to labor abuse and insecurity.
Debate:
Pro-legal reform: Essential to protect migrants and uphold rule of law.
Counter: Political gridlock makes reform hard; some favor stricter enforcement only.
Historical Background to Immigration
Key Point: U.S. immigration policy has fluctuated between openness and restriction.
Trends:
Pre-1924: openness
1924: Chinese Exclusion Act and racial quotas
1965: LBJ’s civil rights reforms ended discrimination, prioritized family reunification
Recent decades: rising migration from Global South + tougher laws
Impact: Greater diversity, but also rising controversy and politicization.
Realist view on Immigration
Argument: States must control borders; immigration is a national security issue.
Example: War on Terror heightened scrutiny post-9/11.
Debate:
Pro: Sovereignty and security must come first.
Con: This view ignores humanitarian needs and economic realities.
Radical view on Immigration (Delgado Wise)
Argument: Migration is driven by structural inequality and neoliberal policies.
Example: NAFTA hurt Mexican farmers, leading to migration.
Debate:
Then: Migration is seen as brain drain (the migration of highly skilled and educated individuals from one country to another, typically from developing nations to developed ones). Competition in U.S.
Now: Emphasis on migrant rights, remittances, and systemic reform.
Liberal view on Immigration
Argument: Migration, like trade, is mutually beneficial in a global market. If we advocate free movement of products, people should be allowed to move freely too.
Example: Migrants fill labor gaps and revitalize aging populations.
Debate:
Pro: Promotes growth and freedom.
Con: Risks ignoring distributional impacts on lower-income U.S. workers.
Idealist view on Immigration
Argument: Moral duty to protect asylum seekers and refugees.
Example: Refugees fleeing violence in Central America.
Debate:
Pro: Upholds human rights.
Con: Critics fear abuse of the asylum system.
Transnational Politics’ view on Immigration
Argument: Migrants connect societies culturally and economically.
Example: Remittances, binational identity, stronger U.S.-Latin America diplomacy.
Debate:
Pro: Fosters understanding and global ties.
Con: Some fear it weakens national cohesion.
Pros and Cons of Immigration
Economic
Benefits: Fills labor shortages, supports aging society, brings innovation.
Costs: Raises housing prices, pressures wages, public services strain.
Debate: Who bears the cost—recent vs. long-established immigrants?
Cultural
Benefits: Enhances diversity, brings new cultural perspectives.
Challenges: Risk of social fragmentation or cultural clash.
Debate: Integration vs. identity preservation.
Legal Compliance
Concern: Undocumented migration may erode trust in legal institutions.
Debate: Enforcement vs. providing legal pathways.
Controversy in immigration
Changes in migration: More undocumented arrivals, Global South origins.
U.S. changes: Polarization, demographic shifts, rising populism.
Political dynamics: Immigration used as a wedge issue; historical U.S. intervention in Latin America fuels mistrust.
Delgado Wise on Economic Integration
Critiques the dominant neoliberal framework that links migration to development. He argues that this perspective, which emphasizes remittances as a primary development tool, overlooks the structural causes of migration and the rights of migrants
View: NAFTA deepened inequality, and displaced Mexican workers.
Theory: Dependency theory—migration as a result of U.S.-driven neoliberalism.
Assessment: Convincing; explains structural roots of migration beyond individual choice.
Kerwin & Warren National Interests
National Interest to
Legalize undocumented immigrants
Reform legal immigration systems
Strengthen border and workplace enforcement
Debate: Better to address all three together—comprehensive reform creates balance.
Obstacles to Immigration Reform
Structural: Polarization, institutional gridlock (e.g., filibuster).
Political: Conflicting interest groups, partisanship, media influence.
possibility of compromise immigration
Outlook: Negotiation is possible but difficult.
Hope: Bipartisan reforms like Reagan’s 1986 IRCA offer precedent. (Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986, a landmark US immigration law that aimed to curb illegal immigration while also providing amnesty to certain unauthorized immigrants.)
Barrier: Entrenched divisions, primary election pressures, fear of backlash.
Personal View on immigration Policy
Middle-ground approach:
Combine strong border enforcement with legal pathways.
Offer citizenship to long-term undocumented residents.
Emphasize fairness, sustainability, and economic contribution.
Balance: Align humanitarian responsibility with national interest.
Goal: Politically viable and morally grounded reform.
Sunkel Reading
Economic nationalism emerges from the desire for sovereignty and independence across the political spectrum but paradoxically increases dependence on foreign powers and corporations, aggravating inequality. Historical foreign investment practices have stunted local entrepreneurship and pigeonholed Latin America into raw material exports, leading to underdevelopment. The role of multinational corporations is highlighted, with a four-part strategy to dominate local markets, and the state's economic role has shifted from direct bilateral relationships to reliance on international organizations, exacerbating social issues and the need for protective reforms.
Gereffi Article
East Asia experienced significant economic growth in the latter half of the 20th century, which Latin America could emulate, yet dependency issues vary between regions. While dependency theory is criticized for being overly simplistic when examining Latin America, it underplays East Asia's transformation from primary trade reliance to a focus on foreign direct investment. This shift helped move both regions up the value chain; however, Latin America's continued reliance on commodity exports limits its growth potential compared to East Asia’s diverse industrialization strategies.
Stallings Article
NAFTA, while innovative in establishing deep economic integrations, did not significantly affect overall economic welfare, especially for Mexico where agricultural output initially dropped before recovery. Employment surged in the maquiladora sector, yet wage growth remained stagnant. The subsequent USMCA revised labor rights and intellectual property protections but served mainly as an update to NAFTA's framework, reflecting mixed impacts across member nations.
Cusack Article
ALBA was initiated to counter the neoliberal model and promote collaborative regionalism among Latin American countries, led by Hugo Chavez. By fostering social programs and economic support for member states while sharing resources, it aimed to withdraw from the conventional free trade models. However, economic instabilities, especially in Venezuela, hampered ALBA’s effectiveness and led to inconsistent implementation of its policies, raising concerns about its long-term viability.
Covarrubias Article
Political instability has hindered regional integration in Latin America, with various attempts like the OAS and Mercosur managing different aspects of democracy and economics. The revival of the OAS post-Cold War could not adequately address the geopolitical dynamics at play, leading to factions and inconsistencies in governance. This fragmentation reflects deep-rooted political disputes and a lack of consensus among nations, limiting cooperative efforts toward shared goals.
Ruhl Article
The 2009 coup in Honduras against President Zelaya is marked by allegations of authoritarian tendencies and appeals for constitutional reforms. While the military's actions had Congressional backing, they underscored longstanding issues of democratic legitimacy in Honduras. This coup exemplified the struggle between reformist ambitions and entrenched power, lamenting the international community's inadequate response to such infringements on democracy.
Fasquelle Article
argues that the 2009 coup in Honduras was a reaction against President Zelaya's attempts at reform, seen as a threat by powerful elites. The military's support for the coup was endorsed by a coalition of business and political leaders preserving the neoliberal agenda. He critiques the international reaction, suggesting the U.S. and others failed to apply sufficient pressure to restore democracy in Honduras, marking the event as a significant setback.
Hidalgo Article
The argument surrounding the coup against President Zelaya contends that it was constitutionally sanctioned and reflects the deep-seated instability of Honduran democracy. The military's involvement was legally backed, and claims of significant public support for the coup challenge narratives of overt authoritarianism, suggesting a complex interplay between legality and public sentiment, questioning the legitimacy of traditional democratic ideals.
Wiarda Article
Exporting democracy to Latin America is problematic due to various cultural, historical, and political complexities. U.S. approaches to democracy promotion have often clashed with local preferences, resulting in mixed outcomes and reinforcing scepticism among Latin Americans about U.S. intentions. The narrative oversimplifies the region's varied experiences and fails to recognise that democracy can manifest in various forms that do not align with Western models, complicating external intervention.
Di Bonaventura Article
Latin America's democratic advancements face challenges from rising populist movements that erode democratic norms. The Bolivarian model exemplifies autocratic backsliding, with regional organizations struggling to promote democratic reform amidst increasing authoritarian behaviors. Coupled with historical examples of democratic erosion in countries like Venezuela, Nicaragua, and Honduras, the paper calls into question the effectiveness of regional organizations to enforce democratic principles in a context of shifting political ideologies.
Lessa/Olsen Article
explore how various Latin American democracies navigate the challenges of addressing past human rights violations despite the existence of amnesty laws. They identify civil society mobilization, judicial leadership, the absence of veto players, and international pressure as key factors influencing accountability outcomes, leading to four distinct scenarios ranging from obstinate amnesties to complete legal circumvention for comprehensive trials.
Fowler Reading
critiques the application of universal jurisdiction (UJ) in Europe and Latin America, highlighting its selective use and colonial underpinnings that often prioritize political interests over justice. He notes that while UJ offers a potential framework for international accountability, its limitations—like requiring connections to the prosecuting nation—compromise its universality. The article emphasizes the need for a commitment to genuine UJ to avoid merely replicating colonial dynamics in prosecutorial practices.
Delgado Wise Article
challenges the neoliberal narrative linking migration to development, arguing it oversimplifies and ignores root causes of migration tied to systemic inequalities and exploitation. He proposes a critical development framework that considers migration as a multidimensional issue, advocating for a human rights-based approach that recognizes migrants' dignity and the socio-economic complexities driving migration. The article calls for a rethinking of development policies to address these underlying injustices, especially in the context of modern global challenges like COVID-19.