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WWII and the Transformation of Industrial Relations
Wartime Changes
WWII ended the old cycle of boom and bust and created full employment.
After 1945, both Labour and Conservatives committed to maintaining full employment, strengthening union bargaining power.
Unions gained unprecedented influence in government:
Ernest Bevin (TGWU) became Minister for Labour (1940).
Wartime cooperation created a consensus culture that lasted into the 1950s–60s.
Post‑War Consensus
Unions involved in wage‑setting and industrial policy.
Union leaders sat on boards of nationalised industries (e.g., Bank of England).
Governments avoided making industrial relations a party‑political issue.
Aim: minimise strikes through cooperation.
The Post‑War Dilemma
Governments hoped unions would voluntarily restrain wage demands.
Inflation spike in early 1950s ended this.
Governments faced a choice:
Allow wage rises → inflation
Impose controls → union anger
This dilemma shaped industrial relations for decades
Macmillan & Corporatism (1957–63)
Macmillan’s Beliefs
One‑nation Conservative; committed to full employment and a mixed economy.
Shaped by memories of 1930s unemployment in Stockton‑on‑Tees.
Era seen as one of affluence.
Famous line (1957): “Most of our people have never had it so good.”
Corporatist Experiments (1962)
Macmillan tried to unite labour, management and government to plan economic goals.
NEDDY
Forum for unions and management to discuss long‑term economic development.
No legal powers; relied on voluntary cooperation.
NICKY
Advisory body giving guidance on “reasonable” pay rises.
Unions largely ignored it due to:
Member pressure for higher wages
Rising consumerism in the 1960s
Desire for improved living standards
Wilson’s First Government (1964–70): Rising Tension
Wilson’s Image
Presented himself as working‑class, modern, relatable (beer, pipe, mac, Scilly Isles).
Designed to appeal to unions.
Wildcat Strikes
Unofficial strikes rose sharply in the 1960s.
90% of strikes were unofficial → TUC unable to control members.
Days lost to strikes averaged 3 million per year; in 1968 rose to 4.7 million (“year of the strike”).
Public increasingly saw shop stewards as militant and unreasonable.
Causes of Militancy
Creeping inflation throughout the 1960s.
Affluence benefited professionals, not many unionised workers.
Inflation (1967–69) wiped out wage gains → resentment grew
‘In Place of Strife’ (1969)
Why Wilson Acted
Conservatives (Heath) proposed union reform in 1968.
Wilson wanted to pre‑empt them.
Barbara Castle tasked with drafting legislation.
Key Proposals
Government could order strike ballots before official action.
28‑day cooling‑off period for unofficial strikes.
Legally binding decisions by industrial boards in inter‑union disputes.
Illegal strikes could lead to fines or imprisonment.
Outcome
Public supported it; unions opposed it.
Labour split; James Callaghan opposed it.
Wilson feared losing leadership → legislation scrapped.
Union victory weakened Heath’s later attempts at reform