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Banerjee and Duflo
Essay about the life of the poorest people in the world
Banerjee and Duflo - Extremely poor
Living on less than PPP $1.08 (today $1.90)
in paper 30% of global pop
Today 8% due to China eradicating poverty
OBS.: find more specific why this definition
Banerjee and Duflo - Poor
living on less than PPP $2.16 (today $3.20)
in paper 50% of global pop
OBS.: find more specific why this definition
Banerjee and Duflo - Food consumption (check it is them)
Universal pattern
Food represents from 50-75% of total expenditure (TE)
alcohol and tobacco from 1-8%
a 1% increase in E means a 0.67% increase in food consumption
1% increase in FE is equally located towards buying more calories and buying more expensive (tastier) calories → same across the world → behavioral
Banerjee and Duflo - Durable goods
Nonuniversal pattern
Radio, television and bicycle ownership varies significantly from country to country and is low many places due to infrastructure constraints
steep income gradient in ownership of these assets
Banerjee and Duflo - other entertainment
Weddings, funerals and festivals is around 10% of annual budget
culture plays a big role
Banerjee and Duflo - Why don’t they eat more/better?
Eating more or better does not help much. Nutrition explains only a very small part of health gains worldwide over the past few decades (Disproven after). However, evidence of improvements in nutrition (reduction of anemia) is directly linked to increased productivity (Not longer life expectancy but higher quality of life)
lack of saving for difficult times does not fully explain low food consumption - because poor HHs do spend on entertainment and save up for events, gadgets, etc.
The need to spend on entertainment rather than on more/better food is probably a network effect
Banerjee and Duflo - How do poor people generate income?
Many are entrepreneurs
often involved in multiple occupations (median family has 3 working members and 7 occupations)
limited landholdings and an incomplete rental market leads to relatively small-scale agricultural production
non-farm businesses also small scale
temporary migration is an important source of non-farm income for rural poor. migration is short term and distance
avg. working hours: 84 per week
Banerjee and Duflo - Why are they entrepreneurs and so many occupations?
few skills, little capital and there are rigidities and information problems in local labor markets → being small-scale entrepreneur = easier than finding a job
cannot raise the capital necessary to run full-time businesses (specialize)
risk spreading difficult because of missing credit instituions and lumpy incomes
to be occupied: each occupation is limited in time use
Banerjee and Duflo - Credit
the fraction of rural poor having outstanding debt varies a lot (11-93%)
very few of the loans from formal lending sources
credit from informal sources = expensive (>3% per month)
informal interest rate lower if HH owns land
frequent delays in payment are very common, but default is not
low default rater ≠ automatic ← high contract enforcement costs
Banerjee and Duflo - Savings
few HHs have bank savings and despite active promotion, share of poor saving with semi-formal institutions is still low
→ poor save informally
financial illiteracy
Banerjee and Duflo - Insurance
very little access to formal insurance (including health)
access to well-functioning informal insurance schemes through social networks
→ only limited protection
Banerjee and Duflo - Assets
land tends to be the one asset the poor own
large variation in ownership and plot size
land records often incomplete → many do not have the titles to their land
Banerjee and Duflo - Health and happiness
obs.: Collins et al?
avg. poor person consumes less than 1400 calories per dag
only 57% report HH had enough to eat in the year
avg. BMI is 17.8 (normal 18.5-25) (now peak at 25-29 for highest life expectancy)
many complications due to poor health
11-46% of HH report having member either bedridden for the day or requiring a doctor in past month
BUT selfreported happiness not very low. cutting meals is strongly correlated with reported unhappiness
BUT report high levels of stress - financial and psychological
most cited reason = health problems
Approaches to poverty analysis
Monetary
Capability
Participatory
Social exclusion
Monetary approach to poverty analysis
poverty is a shortfall in consumption (or income) from some poverty line
used by Banerjee and Duflo
Ravallion
Preferred by economists
Total expenditure is preferred in developing countries
Disposable income is preferred in developed OECD-countries
Three basic steps:
Defining one (multiple) indicators of well-being
establishing a minimum acceptable standars of that indicator to separate the poor from the non-poor (poverty line)
generate af summary statistic to aggregate the information from the distribution of welfare indicator relative to the poverty line
Capability approach to poverty analysis
Poverty is a failure to achieve certain minimal or basic capabilities, where “basic capabilities” are the ability to satisfy certain crucially important functionings up to certain minimally adequate levels
Sen
Participatory approach to poverty analysis (PPA)
Poverty is local people’s perception of well-being and ill-being
world bank
Social exclusion approach to poverty analysis
Poverty is a process through which individuals or groups are wholly or partially excluded from full participation in the society in which they live
Townsend
Theoretical monetary poverty line
Minimum cost of a household of attaining a given level of utility at the prevailing prices and for give household characteristics
For given characteristics and prices, the HH minimizes their expenditures to get a given utility level: e(p,u|x)
The poverty line is the E needed to be exactly nonpoor: z(x)=e(p,uz |x)
measuring expenditure
ALWAYS BASED ON SURVEYS
otal expenditure is not known to anyone in any country, specifically we rarely know:
value of durable goods
value of publically provided goods (edu and health)
Getting poverty measures = collect data from nationally representative HH surveys - country by country and year by year
World Bank has organized surveys since 1985: Living standards measurement survey (LSMS)
Many countries now organize their own household surveys using LSMS as a frame
The Identification problem - Problems
poverty comparisons are based on individuals but data is HH level → we need to move from HH to individual level
Problems:
we know very little about intra-HH allocations
children typically consume less than adults
HH have economies of scale in consumption
The Identification problem - Solutions
Many countries use “equivalence scales”:
1+0.7*(adults-1)+0.5*children
sqrt(HH size)
Most deveveloping countries simply divide total HH expenditure by the number of members of HH and obtain expenditure per capita
The reference problem - Problems
We use consumption expenditure with reference prices as a measure of wellbeing and seek the threshold between poor and non-poor
Problem: Finding the threshold and is it
Absolute
Relative
Note: economic theory has very little to say here
Ravallion argues that the choice depends on the purpose
Absolute poverty line
A fixed level of expenditure based on
subjective criteria
objective criteria
Steps:
Pick a nutritional requirement for good health (fx 2100 kcal/day)
Estimate cost of consuming this energy requirement, using a food consumption bundle that reflects the habit of HH near the nutritional requirement. This is the food poverty line bf
Add a non-food component, bn
The overall poverty line is the sum: z=bf+bn
Relative poverty line
An expenditure level relative to the median or mean level in the pop (characteristics, includes HH size and location)
welfare may depend in part on relative incomes
evidence from subjective self-assesments of welfare
may explain the Easterlin paradox
Ravallion always thinks about poverty comparisons
Absolute poverty line - food part
Countries choose their own “nutritional anchor”
differenfces due to: culture, genetics(?), how we measure poverty
Choose smaller threshold → less poverty → less donors (example Uganda having 3000 kcal/day as threshold)
Absolute poverty line - nonfood part
Typically determined as a fraction of food expenditure
specific fraction impossible to determine theoretically, but there are some limits
often: expenditure shares of the reference group is used to calculate the non-food expenditure
or: poverty line is found from an engel curve regression
Absolute poverty line - nonfood part - engel curve regression
Assumptions:
once survival food needs are satisfied, as total expenditure rises, basic non-food needs will have to be satisfied before basic food needs
once survival food needs are satisfied, both food and non-food are normal goods
Outcome: The poverty line cannot exceed the TE of those whose actual food spending achieves basic food needs
Global poverty: History of the “$1 a day”-poverty line - background
all countries with LSMS type HH surveys have their own poverty line expressed in the national currencies
PPP numbers for a wide range of countries make comparisons of HH surveys, and thus poverty, possible
BUT: national poverty lines dont collapse to a single line even when using the PPP-dollar (NOTE: slope is approx. 0.5 → less systematic relationship than earlier paper)
National poverty lines are increasing in the income/consumption level above some critical level
Global poverty: History of the “$1 a day”-poverty line - How it was decided
WB proposed a line of $0.76 a day at 1985 consumption PPP based onf 33 national poverty lines for the 70’s and 80’s
= the predicted poverty line for the poorest country in the sample
Higher line of $1.02 a day was more representative of the poverty lines in low-income countries
→higher line became more accepted in WB and internationally
In 2001: WB revised past estimates and found:
poverty line for poorest country: $1.05
more representative: $1.08 at 1993 PPP
Ravallion, Chen and Sangraula (2009)
Estimated new “global poverty lines” using 2005-PPP data and poverty lines from 75 developing countries
$1.25 a day in 2005-PPP was representative
Latest global poverty line
$1.90 a day using 2011-PPP
WB (2018)
Followed 3 basic principles:
use the most accurate and recent set of prices available to compare the real standards of living across countries
minimize changes to the goalposts: keep the definition of the line unchanged, and its new values as close to the $1.25 line in real terms
when defining “real terms” the price levels that matter for measuring global poverty are those faced by the world’s poorest people
How: used Ravallion lines for 15 very poor countries → inflate to 2011-prices using each countries CPI → convert to $US using 2011-PPP → simple average
Allen (2017)
Absolute poverty measure based on the minimum cost of nutritional adequacy
calculate the bundle that minimizes the cost of attaining predetermined nutritional requirements
Pros
Avoids concerns about how PPPs are constructed and used in global poverty measurement
Cons:
minimum cost diets are typically very inexpensive, but exceedingly dull and very often regarded as unacceptable (Sen). The least-cost method not used a lot. Methods that identify a food bundle consistent with prevailing tastes in each setting, respecting the influence of local food habits as well as recommended nutritional intakes, used instead
Does it matter which absolute measure we use over time?
NO
both strengths and weaknesses in WB and Allens’ methods
the trends over time are very similar, despite the methodological differences (Ravallion, 2020)
The Easterlin paradox
Avg. happiness appears not to rise much with economic growth
Strongly relative poverty lines - setup
Compare HH income to a poverty line that is set at a constant proportion of the current median for the country: zR=k*y(piz)
zR is the relative poverty line
k is a constant
y(.) is the quantile function
piz is a fixed percentile that defines the comparison group (often the mean or median)
Strongly relative poverty lines - Issues
It is not clear why the quantile of any fixed percentile identifies a plausible comparison income
when the poverty line i set at a constant proportion of the mean (or median), the resulting poverty measure depends solely on the distribution of relative incomes in the pop
If all income levels grow at the same rate, then the poverty measure will remain unchanged (as k is constant)
the poverty lines in developing countries have an avg. elasticity to the mean of about 0.5, which is significantly less than 1
Weakly relative poverty lines - setup
zR=zA+beta(m-zA)
zA is the absolute poverty line
beta is a parameter
if 0<beta<1, then the elasticity of the poverty line wrt. m is positive but less than unity
m is the mean or median
if m<zA:
zR=max(zA,alpha+beta*m)=zA+max(alpha+beta*m-zA,0)
alpha can be interpreted as the lower bound to social inclusion needs
Weakly relative poverty lines - Empirical
zA = $1.90 a day in 2011-PPP
weakly relative lines calibrated to national lines = Rank-weighted mean is the relevant comparison income, with lowest weight given to the richest
Implies that a Gini-discounted mean should be used: m*=(1-G)m, G=Gini index in each country
z_j^(A+R)=max($1.90,0.9+0.7(1-G_j)m_j)
why alpha=0.9 and beta=0.7
Implication: A person is not poor globally if she is neither absolutely poor (relative to z^A) nor poor by the expected standard for the country she lives in
Absoulte vs. weakly relative poverty measure
over 90% of the poor by the A+R line are found in the developing world
with the falling number of absolutely poor in the developing world, we see rising relative poverty
Conclusion: progress in reducing global poverty is evident. but we observe rising counts of those who are relatively poor but no longer absolutely poor. what is the correct SDG measure of poverty?
3 core values of development
Selfesteem: to be a person
Freedom from servitude: to be able to choose
Sustenance: the ability to meet basic needs
3 objectives of development
increase availability of life-sustaining goods
raise levels of living
expand range of economic and social choices
Important capabilities
being able to live long (health → income?)
being well-nourished (nutrition, health → income?)
being healthy (nutrition, health, lifestyle → income?)
being literate (education → income?)
being well-clothed (income)
being mobile
being able to partake in the life of the community (politics)
being happy - as a state of being - may be valued as a functioning (?)
Instrumental roles of freedom
some freedoms are not part of the core values, but they are instrumental
instrumental freedoms directly enhance the capabilities of people, but they also supplement and can reinforce one another
5 important instrumental freedoms:
Political freedoms
economic facilities
social opportunities
transparency guarentees
protective security
2030 Agenda for sustainable development
Adopted by all UN member states in 2015
has the 17 sustainable development goals (SDG)
GDP as a measure for development
Close link between economic development and economic growth, but not same clear link to quality of life
GDP growth is not a sufficient condition for improving mass living standards
leaders may use the added funds on themselves - in a broad sense
the gains from growth may be invested to gain furhter growth
the gain may accrue income only to the already well-off
GDP as a measure for development - measurement issues
Non-market is not (fully) counted in GDP
if home production relative to the market exchange declines during development then “economic wellbeing” is underestimated by GDP
Unreported income from selfemployment is not (fully) counted in GDP
if the informal sector is relatively larger in poorer countries then the “economic wellbeing” is under estimated by GDP
GDP as a measure for development - Conceptual issues
GDP does not take the main “freedoms” into account
political, social, transparency guarentees, protective security
GDP may decline if leisure expands (reduced market participation)
GDP can expand through increasion resource extraction
Market prices may not be the right prices (externalities)
GDP has no information about the distribution of income and wealth
Purchasing power parity (PPP)
The number of currency units required to purchase the amount of goods and services equivalent to what can be bought with one unit of the currency of the base country (Usually $US)
needs: prices of comparable and representative items and expenditure weights
The International Comparison Program (ICP)
Two main objectives
produce PPPs and comparable price level indexes (PLIs) for participating economies
convert volume and per capita measures of gross domestic product (GDP) and its expenditure components into a common currency using PPPs
PPPs are calculated based on the price of a common basket of goods and services in each country
economic development
economic growth
MDGs
HDI
Human development index
Washington Consensus
Market liberalization will lead to higher rates of growth and lower poverty. Reforms might impose short-term pain, but in the long term reformers would achieve sustained growth and development
2 central prescriptions:
maintain a secure and stable macroeconomic regime by keeping the exchange rate competitive, the budget deficit low, the tax base broad
Improve markets by liberalizing foreign trade, abolishing restrictions on inward foreign direct investment, eliminating preferential interest rates, privatizing public enterprises and protecting private property
Washington Consensus - the Wade view
three main problems:
Prescriptions did not emerge out of a record of what had been shown to work
prescriptions based on “basic” economic theory (Neoclassical economics)
Focused on the “market”
prescriptions ignore the task of building the capacity of industries and firms, including the capacity to compete in international trade. Assumption: No “serious” market failures can be solved by state intervention
Prescriptions are couched as valid for countries at all stages of development
ignore the negative “late development effect”: countries which begin to industrialize when other countries are already highly developed have to use different policies and institutional arrangements to those used by earlier developers to be “competitive” (POWER)
critique assumes that this negative late development effect dominates advantages of coming late (such as better and cheaper access to more advanced technologies)
Washington consensus - Background
coming from a perceived failure of “Third world developmentalism”
Infant-Industry protection strategy
Two forces led to the demise of “Third world developmentalism”
radical change in the “leading” heoretical approaches within econoics. move away from the postwar keynesian consensus toward orthodox neoclassical ideas
realignment in the global political economy diminished the bargaining power if third world governments
Washington Consensus - Politics
Coordinated campaign of international bureaucracies exerting their newfound power to promote radical international political changes
US was the leading engineer
Baker Plan
WB publications moved away from discussions of poverty and toward discourse around the virtues of market liberalization
The Baker plan
Financial aid to indebted governments would be used to incentivize market-liberalizing reforms. the main vehicle for achieving this was conditionality
Washington consensus - in practice
WB reorganised lending around comprehensive plans of reform → policy conditional “structural costs” loans
speed of reform was the most important
try to reach a PONR so the policies were self-enforcing
Goal was more political alignment than development
Washington consensus - The actual white paper
never intended as a fully elaborated plan, growth strategy or a model of development
not a statement of necessary or sufficient conditions for growth and development
One size fits all has neveer been supported academically
Common elements of sustained growth experiences
macroeconomic stability
high levels of investments and saving
good leadership and governance
success in exploiting the international market for technology/knowledge (facilitating environments for spillovers)
diversified outward orientation - advancing economic complexity
allowing the market to play a role in resource allocation
managing the distributional aspects of growth patterns to put boundaries on inequality in various dimensions
Washington consensus - Missing elements
underemphasized the role of knowledge transfers
structural change is a key element in growth dynamics NOT side effect
Relying on private sector solely will not lead to growth as public investments are crucial
East-Asian development strategy
government played a larger role
gradual “fence-breaking” and a lot of experimentation
free market policies were instruments not the objective
inequality measure - principles
the anonymity principle: it does not matter who is earning the money
the population principle: size doesnt matter
the relative income principle or “Scale independece axiom” (SIA): size really doesnt matter
the transfer principle (Pigou-Dalton): a transfer from a poorer to a richer person will increase the inequality
If all are followed the metric is lorenz consistent
The translation invariance principle
replaces SIA
give everyone the same amount of money and inequality is unchanged
but: the inequality measurement is affected by increasing all incomes by X%
The Kuznets ratio
Used to compare lorenz-curves
income of x% richest/Income of y% poorest
does not include the whole distribution
fails to satisfy Pigou-Dalton
The gini coefficient
area between the 45-line and lorenz curve
includes the whole distribution
satisfies the four fundamental principles: lorenz consistent
Theils indexes
Mean-log-deviation
Includes the whole distribution
lorenz consistent
used by Milanovic
can be divided into subpopulation
Coefficient of variation
(standard deviation)/mean
includes the whole distribution
lorenz consistent
Gini coefficient - issues
information is lost going from the distribution to the single measure
intersecting lorenz curves can cause difficulties if only looking at the gini coefficients. Lorenz consistent summary statistics can give conflicting results when the curves cross
a decreasing gini ≠benefit to the poor
it isnt decomposable
the absolute dimension → equally poor is not a desirable outcome
Inequality within countries - Trends
In US inequality has risen by Gini and share of the top decile in national income
Top 1% share of total income has a U-shape in US, and L-shape in Europe and Japan
ROW: South asia least unequal, Namibia very unequal
Milanovic - Cross-country and global inequality - measures
Concept 1: Cross-country gini based on income per capita across countries without weighting
concept 2: Cross-country gini based on income per capita across countries with weighting
Concept 3: individual incomes
Milanovic - Cross-country and global inequality - empirical
about 8% of the world receives 50% of global income
global inequality showed no clear trend, despite the development in China and India
Almost certainly the highest level of relative and absolute inequality at any point in human history
Decomposition of global inequality - individual incomes
slight increase in inequality within countries
decrease in inequality between countries
net effect: decrease in global inequality
The elephant curve
Lakner and Milanovic
% real income change X percentile of global income distribution
Losers: the very poor, sub-sharan Africa - incomes are unchanged
Winners: middle classes: China and india - incomes risen substantially
“start of trunk”: citizens of rich countries with stagnating wages + pop of former communist countries - big share of income + stagnating income
“End of trunk”: the very rich - half are the top 12% of US - big share of income distribution + rising income
If looking at absolute gain in income:
steep curve at the richest part → sharp increase in absolute inequality
Inequality - Class or location
Composition of global inequality changed from differences within countries to differences between countries
more than ¾ of global inequality is due to between country differences
Milanovic: Impact on our political systems
From growth (development) to inequality
Kuznets inverted U-hypothesis
uneven and compensatory changes
Education and skills (biased technological skills)
wealth accumulation
seeking support for growth-oriented development strategies
From inequality to growth (development)
physical capital accumulation:
Classical theory (Kaldor)
Richer families have higher savings rates. Therefore, redistribution in favor of the rich increases savings and thereby accumulation of physical capital
human capital accumulation:
Galor and Zeira
Human capital is not transferrable. If accumulation of HC is costly and capital market imperfections or restrictions → poorer people will underinvest
political redistribution:
modern political economy model
inequality leads to desire for redistribution by the median voter. distortionary taxes → lowers investments and thus growth
Capital markets
Inequality augmented growth regressions
support for equity objectives in development strategies
Kuznets inverted U hypothesis
looked at inequality data across developing and developed countries in 50-60s
across countries inequality appears to be first rising with avg. income and subsequently falling againg
As a country developed inequality first rises the fall
fx due to: transition from traditional, poor sector (farming) to moderne wealthier sector (industry) - NOT KUZNET THOUGHT
Kuznets inverted U - Empirical
Find all shapes - Anand and Kanbur
90% times no inverted U-shape - Deininger and Squire
Conditional Kuznet-curve - Barro
The conditional Kuznet curve
Conditional on:
History and politics (Apartheid i SA vs. land reform in South Korea → one increased the other decreased inequality)
Resource endowments
Mineral wealth
Farming systems (rice vs. plantations)
Contemporary policies
Ravallion (2005)
Are we seeing falling poverty with rising inequality, and rising poverty with falling inequality?
Only considers absolute poverty
Conclusion:
no trade-off between absolute poverty and relative inequality
positive correlation
growth splits - does not change results
trade-off between absolute poverty and absolute inequality
negative correlation
growth splits - some indication of differences
If relative inequality does not change on average with growth then absolute inequality will tend to rise with growth
The Ravallion “Trick”
Is there an unconditional correlation between poverty and (absolute and relative) inequality?
trick: study the changes over time in both measures of poverty and inequality
assumption: controlling for “fixed effects” will adequately sweep away any extraneous other factors at country level
Measures:
relative inequality: Gini
% change in poverty=beta*(% change in Gini)
absolute inequality: gini controlling for mean income or consumption
% change in poverty=beta*(% change in Gini + % change in mean income)
Growth accounting
The relative importance of factor accumulation and productivity growth
compare the country to itself!
how much of the variation in growth rates among countries is explained by variation in produtivity growth, and how much by variation in factor accumulation
look at how much of th growth is caused by k, h and A
How much does productivity growth differ among countries
Development accounting
A decomposition of relative production levels
compare the country to rich country (US)
Look at the ratio between each of the “growth factors” → are they better or worse
How much of the variation in output per worker among countries is “explained” by productivity differences?
How much would output per person change in response to variation in: Phys, human, residual TFP holding the other two factors fixed
how much would output per person change in response to variation in: Capital-output ration, HC, residual TFP holding the two other factors fixed
Solow convergence
all else equal, poor countries have the potential to grow faster than rich ones
as countries become richer, growth rates tend to slow
as consequence of 1 and 2 → income levels of rich and poor countries should converge - all else equal
Convergence debate - Old
We do not observe unconditional convergence, and there is no reason to expect this
the steady state in the solow model varies with:
savings rate
depreciation rate
population growth
technology growth
level of human capital
Convergence debate - New
Three new central facts about developing country growth:
since the mid-90s developing countries began to converge toward advanced countries income level. Avg. developing country will close half the gap in 170 years (Patel)
coss-sectional growth in the period of convergence exhibits an inverted U-shape. Middle- and low income countries grow faster than advanced since 90’s, middle income countries have been growing faster than all since the 80’s
the era of unconditional convergence is also associated with lower volatility and higher growth persistence within developing countries
Patel et al (2021)
Used a convergence equation derived by Barro and Sala-i-Martin
estimates the speed of adjustment to the SS
looks at it from t=1960, t+s=2010
varying number of countries
when using 2000-2019 and 124 countries → avg. expected to have closed gap in 170 years
Asia drives a lot of the convergence
without africa it would converge a lot faster
Hsieh and Klenow (2010)
All research on income differences can be classified into one or more arrows in the chain of causality:
Geography, climate, luck → Human capital, physical capital, productivity → income
||
V
Institutions, culture →Human capital, physical capital, productivity → income
||
V
Policies, rule of law, corruption→Human capital, physical capital, productivity →income
Growth accounting - Empirical results
capital accumulation tends to contribute substantially to growth for low income countries
increases in the size and quality of the labour force also contributes
productivity growth tends to account for a larger share of growth in high income countries
Development accounting - Empirical
if alpha=1/3 then:
20% of variation in GDP per worker is due to variation in capital-output ratios
10-30% is due to variation in human capital
50% is due to variation in productivity
Population growth - History
population growth close to 0 in 1800’s
introduction of settled agricultural revolution changed the picture despite famines, plagues and wars
industrial revolution
annual population growth 1800-1945: 0.6%
demograph transition
The demographic transition
both high birth and death rates
death rates declining faster than birth
birth rates declining faster than deat
zero population growth (again)
TODAY: almost all population growth in high-income countries is attributable to immigration
Population growth - future
Today: considerable variation in fertility across regions and countries remain
Will total fertility rates (TFR) stay above replacement rates? Three answers for three reasons:
Desire for large families
unwanted children hypthesis
population momentum
Determinants of mortality
What caused the mortality transition?
nutritional improvements
improvements in sanitation
technology (germ theory early on)
The relative importance of each is in debate: McKeown and Fogel (nutrition) vs Preston (Tech)
Determinants of fertility - population pessimists
Lower fertility → less investments needed to provide a constant amount of capital per worker (capital widening) or investments used to increase capital per worker (capital deepening)
lower fertility → public funds can be redirected away from health and education toward physical capital
lower fertility → slower population growth → lower dependeny ratio → reduction in consumption and increased savings → higher capital accumulation (demographic dividend)
What caused the fertility transition?
three important theories
Income and substitution:
low level of income → income effect dominates, the relative cost of time with children is low
high level of income → substitution effect, the children costs too much time compared to the value of work
Mortality:
more children to reduce risk of them all dying
as mortality decreased → risk decreased → the no. of children to have for the E(living children)>1 decreased
Quantity/Quality:
accelerating technological changes increases return to skill investments. Better children > many children
Reinforcing mechanisms: Norms, gender roles, child labor