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Describe two advantages the majority party in the United States House of Representatives has in lawmaking, above and beyond the numerical advantage that the majority party enjoys in floor voting.
First, the majority party controls the Rules Committee, which sets the terms of debate for each bill, including how long it can be debated and whether amendments can be added. This allows the majority party to limit debate and block amendments that could weaken or derail their preferred legislation. Second, the Speaker of the House, who is always a member of the majority party, controls the legislative agenda by deciding which bills are scheduled for a floor vote. This means the majority party can simply refuse to bring bills they oppose to the floor, effectively killing legislation before it ever reaches a vote.
Describe two differences between House and Senate rules that may make it likely that legislation may pass in one chamber but not in the other.
Debate Rules & Voting Thresholds
In the House, debate is strictly limited by the Rules Committee, and a simple majority is sufficient to pass legislation. In the Senate, however, there is no strict limit on debate, which allows senators to engage in a filibuster - the practice of prolonging debate indefinitely to block a vote. Additionally, while the House requires only a simple majority (218 votes) to pass a bill, the Senate typically requires 60 votes to invoke cloture and end a filibuster, making it far harder to advance legislation without bipartisan support.
Explain how the differences identified in (b) can lead to the passage of a bill in one chamber but not in the other.
These differences can easily lead to a bill passing in the House but failing in the Senate. For example, if the majority party in the House uses the Rules Committee to limit debate and quickly passes a bill along party lines with 218 votes, that same bill could stall in the Senate if the minority party launches a filibuster. Because the majority party would need 60 votes to invoke cloture and end debate - a threshold they may not be able to reach without minority support - the bill could be indefinitely blocked. The House’s strict majority-rule structure makes passage easier, while the Senate’s filibuster rule gives the minority party significant power to obstruct legislation, meaning a bill can pass one chamber and die in the other.
Explain two reasons why Congress gives federal agencies policy-making discretion in executing federal laws.
First, members of Congress are generalists who often lack the specialized technical expertise needed to write detailed, precise regulations. Complex policy areas like environmental science, telecommunications, or monetary policy require expert knowledge that career bureaucrats and agency professionals possess. It is therefore more effective for Congress to set broad goals and allow agencies staffed with experts to fill in the technical details. Second, when Congress writes legislation, it cannot anticipate every possible future circumstance that might arise during implementation. By granting agencies discretion, Congress allows them the flexibility to adapt regulations to new developments, technologies, or situations that could not have been foreseen when the law was originally passed.
Choose one of the bureaucratic agencies listed below. Identify the policy area over which it exercises policy-making discretion AND give one specific example of how it exercises that discretion.
The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) exercises policy-making discretion over the area of environmental regulation and pollution control. While Congress passed the Clean Air Act establishing the broad goal of reducing air pollution, the EPA has the discretion to determine the specific standards and limits that industries must meet. For example, the EPA sets precise numerical limits on how many parts per million of carbon dioxide or other pollutants a power plant or automobile manufacturer is allowed to emit. Congress defined the overall objective, but the EPA uses its scientific expertise to determine the exact regulatory standards.
Describe two ways in which Congress ensures that federal agencies follow legislative intent.
Congress uses two primary methods to ensure federal agencies follow legislative intent. First, Congress holds oversight hearings, requiring agency heads and officials to testify before congressional committees and explain their decisions and expenditures. This keeps agencies accountable and allows Congress to identify and address any drift from the original legislative intent. Second, Congress uses its power of the purse to control agency behavior. By threatening to reduce or eliminate an agency’s budget during the appropriations process, Congress can pressure agencies to align their actions with what Congress intended when the law was passed.
Identify the type of legislation described in the quote.
The type of legislation described in the quote is earmark or pork-barrel spending. This refers to funds that are attached to larger spending bills and directed toward a specific project in a legislator’s home district or state, primarily for the purpose of benefiting that member’s constituents rather than serving a broad national interest.
Explain one reason why the type of legislation described in the quote has been criticized.
Pork-barrel legislation has been widely criticized because it is seen as a waste of taxpayer money. In the example above, $147,600 in federal funds was proposed for a luxury wedding and events venue - a private facility that primarily serves wealthy clients. Critics argue that directing public funds toward such projects has no national significance and reflects legislators prioritizing their own political interests and local popularity over responsible fiscal stewardship.
Describe two benefits of the type of legislation described in the quote.
First, it allows members of Congress to deliver tangible benefits to their constituents, funding local projects like infrastructure, parks, or community facilities. This strengthens the relationship between representatives and their districts and can improve their chances of reelection. Second, earmarks serve as a legislative bargaining tool that helps Congress pass larger, more important legislation. Legislators who might otherwise oppose a bill may be persuaded to support it if an earmark benefiting their district is attached, making it easier to build the coalitions needed to pass complex, far-reaching legislation.
Define entitlement program.
An entitlement program is a government program that guarantees benefits to any individual who meets specific eligibility criteria established by law, such as age, income level, or disability status.
Why is the primary source of revenue for the Social Security program?
The primary source of revenue for the Social Security program is payroll taxes, specifically the Federal Insurance Contributions Act (FICA) tax.
Identify and explain one threat to the future of the Social Security program, should the trends in the chart continue.
Based on the chart, a significant threat to the future of Social Security is the projected point — around 2025 to 2030 — where the “Paid Out” line surpasses the “Paid In” line, meaning the program will be spending more on benefits than it collects in payroll tax revenue. As this gap widens, the program will be forced to draw down its Year-End Reserve fund. The chart shows the reserve peaking around 2020 and then declining sharply, suggesting that if current trends continue, the reserve will eventually be exhausted and the program will be unable to pay full benefits to all recipients.
Describe one demographic trend that threatens the future of the Social Security program AND explain how it is responsible for the threat that you identified in (c).
The aging of the Baby Boomer generation is the primary demographic trend threatening Social Security’s future. As the large Baby Boomer cohort reaches retirement age, the number of Social Security beneficiaries increases dramatically. At the same time, declining birth rates mean there are proportionally fewer younger workers entering the workforce to pay payroll taxes. This imbalance - more people collecting benefits and fewer people paying in - directly worsens the gap between “Paid In” and “Paid Out” identified in part (c), accelerating the depletion of the Year-End Reserve.
Explain how any one of the trends in the chart would change if the age of eligibility for Social Security were raised.
If the age of eligibility for Social Security were raised, the “Paid Out” line on the chart would grow more slowly and at a lower level, because fewer people would qualify to receive benefits at any given time. Workers who previously would have begun collecting benefits at the old eligibility age would have to continue working and paying payroll taxes longer before becoming eligible. This would simultaneously reduce spending and increase revenue, slowing the decline of the Year-End Reserve and extending the program’s long-term solvency.
There are three models - delegate, trustee, and politico - that describe representation in Congress. Develop an argument that explains which model you think best achieves the founders’ intent when they designed Congress.
The trustee model best achieves the founders’ intent when designing the constitution because the Constitution and Federalist No. 51 emphasize representatives using independent judgment to check factions and serve the long-term public good.
The strongest evidence for this conclusion comes from Federalist No. 51, in which James Madison argued that the constitutional system of checks and balances was designed to prevent any single faction or majority from exercising unchecked power. Madison wrote that ambition must be made to counteract ambition, and that representatives must be capable of resisting popular pressures that could lead to unjust or shortsighted policy. This reasoning is fundamentally consistent with the trustee model, which holds that elected officials should use their superior knowledge and judgment to act in the public’s best interest, even when doing so conflicts with the immediate preferences of their constituents. A pure delegate, by contrast, would simply carry out whatever the majority demanded, which Madison’s entire argument in Federalist No. 51 was designed to prevent.
Further evidence comes from the structure of the Constitution itself. The founders created the Senate with six-year terms and indirect election (originally by state legislatures) precisely to insulate senators from short-term public opinion. This design reflects the founders’ belief that representatives should be able to make difficult, unpopular decisions when the long-term national interest requires it — a defining feature of the trustee model. Similarly, the Electoral College was created to filter the public’s presidential preference through a body of more informed electors, again reflecting distrust of pure democratic responsiveness.
While the delegate model may appear more democratic, it is important to recognize that the founders were deeply concerned about the dangers of faction and mob rule, as Madison outlined in Federalist No. 10. Allowing representatives to simply execute the will of the majority without any independent judgment would make government vulnerable to the passions of the moment and the influence of narrow special interests. The trustee model provides a safeguard against this, allowing representatives to deliberate carefully and act on the basis of reason and the broader public good. For these reasons, the trustee model most closely reflects the representative system the founders intended to create.
Did Congress’s creation of an agency head who cannot be removed by the president for five years except for cause violate the principle of checks and balances?
Congress’s creation of a CFIB director with removal protection does violate checks and balances because it prevents the executive branch from exercising its constitutional oversight of the bureaucracy.
The most compelling evidence for this conclusion comes from Federalist No. 70, in which Alexander Hamilton argued that a strong, unified executive is essential to good governance. Hamilton emphasized that accountability and energy in the executive depend on a single president who bears clear responsibility for the actions of the executive branch. If the president cannot remove agency heads who act contrary to his administration’s policy, he cannot be held accountable for the actions of that agency, and the principle of executive responsibility breaks down entirely. The CFPB’s removal protection directly contradicts Hamilton’s vision of a unified executive by creating an independent power center within the executive branch that answers to no one.
The Constitution itself reinforces this conclusion. Article II vests the executive power in the President and requires him to “take care that the laws be faithfully executed.” The Supreme Court has interpreted this clause to mean that the president must have meaningful control over those who execute the law on his behalf, including the power to remove them. By preventing the president from removing the CFPB director except for cause, Congress has effectively created an executive officer who operates outside of presidential control, weakening the president’s ability to fulfill his constitutional duty and disrupting the separation of powers.
Supporters of the CFPB’s structure argue that the director needs independence from political pressure to effectively regulate the financial industry without interference from presidents who may favor deregulation. This is a valid concern, but it does not override the constitutional requirement that executive power be accountable to the president. As Federalist No. 51 makes clear, the entire constitutional system is built on the principle that each branch must have the tools to check the others - and that no officer should be able to wield power without accountability. Granting the CFPB director near-permanent independence is not a check on executive overreach; it is itself an unchecked concentration of power, exactly what the founders sought to prevent. Congress has many legitimate tools to protect the CFPB’s mission, such as clearly defining its mandate by statute, without eliminating the president’s fundamental constitutional authority over the executive branch.