APUSH Unit 8 Test Review

"I have today signed an Executive Order providing for the establishment of a Peace Corps. . . . This Corps will be a pool of trained American men and women sent overseas by the U.S. Government or through private institutions and organizations to help foreign countries meet their urgent needs for skilled manpower. . . .

"In establishing our Peace Corps we intend to make full use of the resources and talents of private institutions and groups. Universities, voluntary agencies, labor unions and industry will be asked to share in this effort—contributing diverse sources of energy and imagination—making it clear that the responsibility for peace is the responsibility of our entire society.

". . . . Our Peace Corps is not designed as an instrument of diplomacy or propaganda or ideological conflict. It is designed to permit our people to exercise more fully their responsibilities in the great common cause of world development.

"Life in the Peace Corps will not be easy. There will be no salary and allowances will be at a level sufficient only to maintain health and meet basic needs. Men and women will be expected to work and live alongside the nationals of the country in which they are stationed—doing the same work, eating the same food, talking the same language.

". . . Every young American who participates in the Peace Corps—who works in a foreign land—will know that he or she is sharing in the great common task of bringing to man that decent way of life which is the foundation of freedom and a condition of peace."

Which of the following postwar developments most directly contributed to the ideas in the excerpt?

The foreign policy strategy of supporting developing nations as a means to prevent the spread of communism

"I have today signed an Executive Order providing for the establishment of a Peace Corps. . . . This Corps will be a pool of trained American men and women sent overseas by the U.S. Government or through private institutions and organizations to help foreign countries meet their urgent needs for skilled manpower. . . .

"In establishing our Peace Corps we intend to make full use of the resources and talents of private institutions and groups. Universities, voluntary agencies, labor unions and industry will be asked to share in this effort—contributing diverse sources of energy and imagination—making it clear that the responsibility for peace is the responsibility of our entire society.

". . . . Our Peace Corps is not designed as an instrument of diplomacy or propaganda or ideological conflict. It is designed to permit our people to exercise more fully their responsibilities in the great common cause of world development.

"Life in the Peace Corps will not be easy. There will be no salary and allowances will be at a level sufficient only to maintain health and meet basic needs. Men and women will be expected to work and live alongside the nationals of the country in which they are stationed—doing the same work, eating the same food, talking the same language.

". . . Every young American who participates in the Peace Corps—who works in a foreign land—will know that he or she is sharing in the great common task of bringing to man that decent way of life which is the foundation of freedom and a condition of peace."

President Kennedy's primary goal in enacting the program described in the excerpt was most likely to

promote a free-market global economy through international aid to other nations

"I have today signed an Executive Order providing for the establishment of a Peace Corps. . . . This Corps will be a pool of trained American men and women sent overseas by the U.S. Government or through private institutions and organizations to help foreign countries meet their urgent needs for skilled manpower. . . .

"In establishing our Peace Corps we intend to make full use of the resources and talents of private institutions and groups. Universities, voluntary agencies, labor unions and industry will be asked to share in this effort—contributing diverse sources of energy and imagination—making it clear that the responsibility for peace is the responsibility of our entire society.

". . . . Our Peace Corps is not designed as an instrument of diplomacy or propaganda or ideological conflict. It is designed to permit our people to exercise more fully their responsibilities in the great common cause of world development.

"Life in the Peace Corps will not be easy. There will be no salary and allowances will be at a level sufficient only to maintain health and meet basic needs. Men and women will be expected to work and live alongside the nationals of the country in which they are stationed—doing the same work, eating the same food, talking the same language.

". . . Every young American who participates in the Peace Corps—who works in a foreign land—will know that he or she is sharing in the great common task of bringing to man that decent way of life which is the foundation of freedom and a condition of peace."

The point of view expressed in the excerpt most directly illuminates which of the following debates within United States foreign policy during the post-Second World War period?

Whether to use direct or indirect tactics to challenge the influence of the Soviet Union

"What is important is the claim of the Communists themselves that for every party member there are 10 others ready, willing, and able to do the party's work. Herein lies the greatest menace of communism. . . .

". . . It might be of interest to observe that in 1917 when the Communists overthrew the Russian Government there was one Communist for every 2,277 persons in Russia. In the United States today there is one Communist for every 1,814 persons in the country.

"One who accepts the aims, principles, and program of the party, who attends meetings, who reads the party press and literature, who pays dues, and who is active on behalf of the party 'shall be considered a member.' The open, avowed Communist who carries a card and pays dues is no different from a security standpoint than the person who does the party's work but pays no dues, carries no card, and is not on the party rolls. In fact, the latter is a greater menace because of his opportunity to work in stealth."

J. Edgar Hoover, director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), testimony before the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC), 1947

Which of the following best explains how the Red Scare following the Second World War reflected the larger historical context?

The ideas demonstrate efforts by the federal government to ensure domestic security.

"What is important is the claim of the Communists themselves that for every party member there are 10 others ready, willing, and able to do the party's work. Herein lies the greatest menace of communism. . . .

". . . It might be of interest to observe that in 1917 when the Communists overthrew the Russian Government there was one Communist for every 2,277 persons in Russia. In the United States today there is one Communist for every 1,814 persons in the country.

"One who accepts the aims, principles, and program of the party, who attends meetings, who reads the party press and literature, who pays dues, and who is active on behalf of the party 'shall be considered a member.' The open, avowed Communist who carries a card and pays dues is no different from a security standpoint than the person who does the party's work but pays no dues, carries no card, and is not on the party rolls. In fact, the latter is a greater menace because of his opportunity to work in stealth."

J. Edgar Hoover, director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), testimony before the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC), 1947

At the time, Hoover's purpose in his testimony would have most likely been interpreted as attempting to convince Americans of the

threat posed by suspected communists within the United States

"What is important is the claim of the Communists themselves that for every party member there are 10 others ready, willing, and able to do the party's work. Herein lies the greatest menace of communism. . . .

". . . It might be of interest to observe that in 1917 when the Communists overthrew the Russian Government there was one Communist for every 2,277 persons in Russia. In the United States today there is one Communist for every 1,814 persons in the country.

"One who accepts the aims, principles, and program of the party, who attends meetings, who reads the party press and literature, who pays dues, and who is active on behalf of the party 'shall be considered a member.' The open, avowed Communist who carries a card and pays dues is no different from a security standpoint than the person who does the party's work but pays no dues, carries no card, and is not on the party rolls. In fact, the latter is a greater menace because of his opportunity to work in stealth."

J. Edgar Hoover, director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), testimony before the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC), 1947

The House Un-American Activity Committee (HUAC)'s interpretation of Hoover's testimony most likely influenced the committee to

investigate communism in labor unions and industries such as filmmaking

"What is important is the claim of the Communists themselves that for every party member there are 10 others ready, willing, and able to do the party's work. Herein lies the greatest menace of communism. . . .

". . . It might be of interest to observe that in 1917 when the Communists overthrew the Russian Government there was one Communist for every 2,277 persons in Russia. In the United States today there is one Communist for every 1,814 persons in the country.

"One who accepts the aims, principles, and program of the party, who attends meetings, who reads the party press and literature, who pays dues, and who is active on behalf of the party 'shall be considered a member.' The open, avowed Communist who carries a card and pays dues is no different from a security standpoint than the person who does the party's work but pays no dues, carries no card, and is not on the party rolls. In fact, the latter is a greater menace because of his opportunity to work in stealth."

J. Edgar Hoover, director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), testimony before the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC), 1947

Hoover's testimony in the excerpt could best be used as evidence by historians studying which of the following?

Debates among Americans about the policies and methods used to expose domestic communists

"In the mass movement into suburban areas a new kind of community was produced, which caricatured both the historic city and the archetypal suburban refuge: a multitude of uniform, unidentifiable houses, lined up inflexibly, at uniform distances, on uniform roads, in a treeless communal waste, inhabited by people of the same class, the same income, the same age group, witnessing the same television performances, eating the same tasteless pre-fabricated foods, from the same freezers, conforming in every outward and inward respect to a common mold, manufactured in the central metropolis. Thus the ultimate effect of the suburban escape in our time is, ironically, a low-grade uniform environment from which escape is impossible."

Lewis Mumford, historian, The City in History: Its Origins, Its Transformations, and Its Prospects, 1961

Which of the following best explains a limitation in Mumford's critique of postwar suburbanization?

Many families moved to the new suburbs to find affordable homes.

"In the mass movement into suburban areas a new kind of community was produced, which caricatured both the historic city and the archetypal suburban refuge: a multitude of uniform, unidentifiable houses, lined up inflexibly, at uniform distances, on uniform roads, in a treeless communal waste, inhabited by people of the same class, the same income, the same age group, witnessing the same television performances, eating the same tasteless pre-fabricated foods, from the same freezers, conforming in every outward and inward respect to a common mold, manufactured in the central metropolis. Thus the ultimate effect of the suburban escape in our time is, ironically, a low-grade uniform environment from which escape is impossible."

Lewis Mumford, historian, The City in History: Its Origins, Its Transformations, and Its Prospects, 1961

Mumford's argument in the excerpt does not account for which of the following historical factors that most directly explains the rise of the suburbs in the United States?

The necessity of having an automobile to travel to work

"In the mass movement into suburban areas a new kind of community was produced, which caricatured both the historic city and the archetypal suburban refuge: a multitude of uniform, unidentifiable houses, lined up inflexibly, at uniform distances, on uniform roads, in a treeless communal waste, inhabited by people of the same class, the same income, the same age group, witnessing the same television performances, eating the same tasteless pre-fabricated foods, from the same freezers, conforming in every outward and inward respect to a common mold, manufactured in the central metropolis. Thus the ultimate effect of the suburban escape in our time is, ironically, a low-grade uniform environment from which escape is impossible."

Lewis Mumford, historian, The City in History: Its Origins, Its Transformations, and Its Prospects, 1961

Mumford overlooks which of the following broader historical contexts that best explains why many Americans might have been attracted to the consistency and conformity of the suburbs?

Recent periods of economic depression and war encouraged many families to seek stability and security.

"This morning the mob again gathered in front of the Central High School of Little Rock, obviously for the purpose of again preventing the carrying out of the Court's order relating to the admission of Negro children to the school.

"Whenever normal agencies prove inadequate to the task and it becomes necessary for the Executive Branch of the Federal Government to use its powers and authority to uphold Federal Courts, the President's responsibility is inescapable.

"In accordance with that responsibility, I have today issued an Executive Order directing the use of troops under Federal authority to aid in the execution of Federal law at Little Rock, Arkansas."

President Dwight Eisenhower, national television and radio address, 1957

President Eisenhower's actions in the excerpt were most similar to which of the following earlier actions?

The ending of segregation in the military in the 1940s

"This morning the mob again gathered in front of the Central High School of Little Rock, obviously for the purpose of again preventing the carrying out of the Court's order relating to the admission of Negro children to the school.

"Whenever normal agencies prove inadequate to the task and it becomes necessary for the Executive Branch of the Federal Government to use its powers and authority to uphold Federal Courts, the President's responsibility is inescapable.

"In accordance with that responsibility, I have today issued an Executive Order directing the use of troops under Federal authority to aid in the execution of Federal law at Little Rock, Arkansas."

President Dwight Eisenhower, national television and radio address, 1957

Which of the following events represented a continuation of the development discussed in the excerpt?

The advocacy for the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964

"This morning the mob again gathered in front of the Central High School of Little Rock, obviously for the purpose of again preventing the carrying out of the Court's order relating to the admission of Negro children to the school.

"Whenever normal agencies prove inadequate to the task and it becomes necessary for the Executive Branch of the Federal Government to use its powers and authority to uphold Federal Courts, the President's responsibility is inescapable.

"In accordance with that responsibility, I have today issued an Executive Order directing the use of troops under Federal authority to aid in the execution of Federal law at Little Rock, Arkansas."

President Dwight Eisenhower, national television and radio address, 1957

Opponents of Eisenhower's decision in the excerpt most likely held views similar to which of the following earlier groups?

Southern state leaders in the 1880s and 1890s

"This morning the mob again gathered in front of the Central High School of Little Rock, obviously for the purpose of again preventing the carrying out of the Court's order relating to the admission of Negro children to the school.

"Whenever normal agencies prove inadequate to the task and it becomes necessary for the Executive Branch of the Federal Government to use its powers and authority to uphold Federal Courts, the President's responsibility is inescapable.

"In accordance with that responsibility, I have today issued an Executive Order directing the use of troops under Federal authority to aid in the execution of Federal law at Little Rock, Arkansas."

President Dwight Eisenhower, national television and radio address, 1957

Which of the following contexts best explains the origins of the modern African American Civil Rights movement?

The federal government continued to fail to live up to its promises of guaranteeing the equality of citizens.

"[The United States federal government in] Washington had a mixed response to Asian decolonization. On the one hand, it was not unhappy to see the European empires dissolved. Washington regarded these empires, which functioned as restricted trading blocs, as obstacles to economic integration and as incubators of communism and anti-Western revolution. On the other hand, Washington recognized that Europe's economic and political stability often depended upon income generated in the colonies. Whether the United States supported or opposed a particular nationalist movement often depended on its relationship to communism. . . . Washington only endorsed nationalist movements, such as those in Indonesia and the Philippines, that promised to preserve Western access after independence. It was willing to abolish formal empire, as long as the relations of informal empire continued uninterrupted."

Christina Klein, Cold War Orientalism: Asia in the Middlebrow Imagination, 1945-1961, published in 2003

"Shortly after the outbreak of war between the Vietnamese and the French, Ho Chi Minh's Democratic Republic of [North] Vietnam (DRV) launched a four-month diplomatic initiative in the spring and summer of 1947 designed to secure the support of the [President Harry] Truman administration. . . . [The DRV's] agenda included calls for recognition of the DRV and mediation of the war with the French, requests for rehabilitation loans and promises of economic concessions to U.S. businesses, and appeals for technical assistance and cultural exchange. . . .

". . . With Soviet diplomacy focused on Europe and the Chinese communists preoccupied by civil war, the DRV also faced almost complete isolation from the communist world. . . . [But United States] fears of Vietnamese subservience to Moscow that first had emerged in 1946 intensified with the escalation of Soviet-American tensions in Europe. . . . The commitment of the United States to maintain French political and economic stability in Western Europe complicated its abilities to challenge French policies in Vietnam directly."

Mark Philip Bradley, Imagining Vietnam and America: The Making of Post-Colonial Vietnam, 1919-1950, published in 2000

Which of the following arguments about United States policy toward decolonization do the excerpts best support?

It was more interested in maintaining stability in regions than in backing decolonization.

"[The United States federal government in] Washington had a mixed response to Asian decolonization. On the one hand, it was not unhappy to see the European empires dissolved. Washington regarded these empires, which functioned as restricted trading blocs, as obstacles to economic integration and as incubators of communism and anti-Western revolution. On the other hand, Washington recognized that Europe's economic and political stability often depended upon income generated in the colonies. Whether the United States supported or opposed a particular nationalist movement often depended on its relationship to communism. . . . Washington only endorsed nationalist movements, such as those in Indonesia and the Philippines, that promised to preserve Western access after independence. It was willing to abolish formal empire, as long as the relations of informal empire continued uninterrupted."

Christina Klein, Cold War Orientalism: Asia in the Middlebrow Imagination, 1945-1961, published in 2003

"Shortly after the outbreak of war between the Vietnamese and the French, Ho Chi Minh's Democratic Republic of [North] Vietnam (DRV) launched a four-month diplomatic initiative in the spring and summer of 1947 designed to secure the support of the [President Harry] Truman administration. . . . [The DRV's] agenda included calls for recognition of the DRV and mediation of the war with the French, requests for rehabilitation loans and promises of economic concessions to U.S. businesses, and appeals for technical assistance and cultural exchange. . . .

". . . With Soviet diplomacy focused on Europe and the Chinese communists preoccupied by civil war, the DRV also faced almost complete isolation from the communist world. . . . [But United States] fears of Vietnamese subservience to Moscow that first had emerged in 1946 intensified with the escalation of Soviet-American tensions in Europe. . . . The commitment of the United States to maintain French political and economic stability in Western Europe complicated its abilities to challenge French policies in Vietnam directly."

Mark Philip Bradley, Imagining Vietnam and America: The Making of Post-Colonial Vietnam, 1919-1950, published in 2000

Bradley's argument differs from Klein's in that Bradley claims that

some communist governments actually sought assistance from the United States

"[The United States federal government in] Washington had a mixed response to Asian decolonization. On the one hand, it was not unhappy to see the European empires dissolved. Washington regarded these empires, which functioned as restricted trading blocs, as obstacles to economic integration and as incubators of communism and anti-Western revolution. On the other hand, Washington recognized that Europe's economic and political stability often depended upon income generated in the colonies. Whether the United States supported or opposed a particular nationalist movement often depended on its relationship to communism. . . . Washington only endorsed nationalist movements, such as those in Indonesia and the Philippines, that promised to preserve Western access after independence. It was willing to abolish formal empire, as long as the relations of informal empire continued uninterrupted."

Christina Klein, Cold War Orientalism: Asia in the Middlebrow Imagination, 1945-1961, published in 2003

"Shortly after the outbreak of war between the Vietnamese and the French, Ho Chi Minh's Democratic Republic of [North] Vietnam (DRV) launched a four-month diplomatic initiative in the spring and summer of 1947 designed to secure the support of the [President Harry] Truman administration. . . . [The DRV's] agenda included calls for recognition of the DRV and mediation of the war with the French, requests for rehabilitation loans and promises of economic concessions to U.S. businesses, and appeals for technical assistance and cultural exchange. . . .

". . . With Soviet diplomacy focused on Europe and the Chinese communists preoccupied by civil war, the DRV also faced almost complete isolation from the communist world. . . . [But United States] fears of Vietnamese subservience to Moscow that first had emerged in 1946 intensified with the escalation of Soviet-American tensions in Europe. . . . The commitment of the United States to maintain French political and economic stability in Western Europe complicated its abilities to challenge French policies in Vietnam directly."

Mark Philip Bradley, Imagining Vietnam and America: The Making of Post-Colonial Vietnam, 1919-1950, published in 2000

The excerpts could best be used to support which of the following criticisms about United States foreign policy during the Cold War?

The United States sometimes supported nondemocratic countries so long as they opposed communism.

Which of the following best explains the change in the overall United States military presence in Vietnam between 1964 and 1968 as depicted in the graph?

The fear that the North Vietnamese forces under Ho Chi Minh would spread communism in Asia

Which of the following best explains the change in United States military combat deaths in Vietnam between 1964 and 1968 as depicted in the graph?

Increasing commitment by politicians in the United States to combat the spread of global communism

Which of the following was the primary reason behind the change in United States military forces in Vietnam after 1969 as depicted in the graph?

Responding to decreasing public support for the Vietnam War, President Nixon eventually withdrew United States troops without eliminating communism or uniting Vietnam.

"Both the phrase 'Great Society' and the planning for it dated to May 1964, when [President Lyndon] Johnson addressed the graduating class of the University of Michigan. 'We have the opportunity,' he proclaimed, 'to move not only toward the rich society and the powerful society, but upward to the Great Society.' . . . Starting in that summer [of 1964] he also established the first of what ultimately became 135 'task forces' to study a wide range of social problems. . . . Much of what he requested aimed to go beyond . . . the New Deal in order to create a Great Society that would be qualitatively better and that would guarantee 'rights' and government entitlements."

The principles of the Great Society as expressed in the excerpt are best explained in the context of which of the following twentieth-century ideologies?

Liberalism

"Both the phrase 'Great Society' and the planning for it dated to May 1964, when [President Lyndon] Johnson addressed the graduating class of the University of Michigan. 'We have the opportunity,' he proclaimed, 'to move not only toward the rich society and the powerful society, but upward to the Great Society.' . . . Starting in that summer [of 1964] he also established the first of what ultimately became 135 'task forces' to study a wide range of social problems. . . . Much of what he requested aimed to go beyond . . . the New Deal in order to create a Great Society that would be qualitatively better and that would guarantee 'rights' and government entitlements."

The expansion of African American rights during the Great Society was most similar to which of the following earlier situations?

The passage of constitutional amendments during Reconstruction

"Both the phrase 'Great Society' and the planning for it dated to May 1964, when [President Lyndon] Johnson addressed the graduating class of the University of Michigan. 'We have the opportunity,' he proclaimed, 'to move not only toward the rich society and the powerful society, but upward to the Great Society.' . . . Starting in that summer [of 1964] he also established the first of what ultimately became 135 'task forces' to study a wide range of social problems. . . . Much of what he requested aimed to go beyond . . . the New Deal in order to create a Great Society that would be qualitatively better and that would guarantee 'rights' and government entitlements."

The social policies advocated by which of following earlier groups were most similar to the policies of the Great Society?

Progressives in the 1910s

"The fact that Virginia prohibits only interracial marriages involving white persons demonstrates that the racial classifications must stand on their own justification, as measures designed to maintain White Supremacy. We have consistently denied the constitutionality of measures which restrict the rights of citizens on account of race. There can be no doubt that restricting the freedom to marry solely because of racial classifications violates the central meaning of the Equal Protection Clause.

"These statutes also deprive the Lovings of liberty without due process of law in violation of the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. The freedom to marry has long been recognized as one of the vital personal rights essential to the orderly pursuit of happiness by free men.

"Marriage is one of the 'basic civil rights of man,' fundamental to our very existence and survival. . . . To deny this fundamental freedom on so unsupportable a basis as the racial classifications embodied in these statutes . . . is surely to deprive all the State's citizens of liberty without due process of law. The Fourteenth Amendment requires that the freedom of choice to marry not be restricted by invidious racial discriminations. Under our Constitution, the freedom to marry, or not marry, a person of another race resides with the individual, and cannot be infringed by the State."

United States Supreme Court, ruling in Loving v. Virginia, 1967

The ruling described in the excerpt is most similar to which of the following earlier political changes?

The extension of citizenship rights to formerly enslaved people following the Civil War

"The fact that Virginia prohibits only interracial marriages involving white persons demonstrates that the racial classifications must stand on their own justification, as measures designed to maintain White Supremacy. We have consistently denied the constitutionality of measures which restrict the rights of citizens on account of race. There can be no doubt that restricting the freedom to marry solely because of racial classifications violates the central meaning of the Equal Protection Clause.

"These statutes also deprive the Lovings of liberty without due process of law in violation of the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. The freedom to marry has long been recognized as one of the vital personal rights essential to the orderly pursuit of happiness by free men.

"Marriage is one of the 'basic civil rights of man,' fundamental to our very existence and survival. . . . To deny this fundamental freedom on so unsupportable a basis as the racial classifications embodied in these statutes . . . is surely to deprive all the State's citizens of liberty without due process of law. The Fourteenth Amendment requires that the freedom of choice to marry not be restricted by invidious racial discriminations. Under our Constitution, the freedom to marry, or not marry, a person of another race resides with the individual, and cannot be infringed by the State."

United States Supreme Court, ruling in Loving v. Virginia, 1967

The ruling described in the excerpt is most similar to other civil rights achievements in the 1960s in that it

represented responses by the federal government to calls for the expansion of civil rights

"The fact that Virginia prohibits only interracial marriages involving white persons demonstrates that the racial classifications must stand on their own justification, as measures designed to maintain White Supremacy. We have consistently denied the constitutionality of measures which restrict the rights of citizens on account of race. There can be no doubt that restricting the freedom to marry solely because of racial classifications violates the central meaning of the Equal Protection Clause.

"These statutes also deprive the Lovings of liberty without due process of law in violation of the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. The freedom to marry has long been recognized as one of the vital personal rights essential to the orderly pursuit of happiness by free men.

"Marriage is one of the 'basic civil rights of man,' fundamental to our very existence and survival. . . . To deny this fundamental freedom on so unsupportable a basis as the racial classifications embodied in these statutes . . . is surely to deprive all the State's citizens of liberty without due process of law. The Fourteenth Amendment requires that the freedom of choice to marry not be restricted by invidious racial discriminations. Under our Constitution, the freedom to marry, or not marry, a person of another race resides with the individual, and cannot be infringed by the State."

United States Supreme Court, ruling in Loving v. Virginia, 1967

By the late 1960s, critics within the Civil Rights movement were dissatisfied with the tactics illustrated by the excerpt. These critics were increasingly likely to argue that

nonviolent methods should be abandoned because they were ineffective

"The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee now states its opposition to United States involvement in Vietnam on these grounds:

"We believe the United States government has been deceptive in its claims of concern for the freedom of the Vietnamese people, just as the government has been deceptive in claiming concern for the freedom of colored people in such other countries as the Dominican Republic, the Congo, South Africa, Rhodesia, and the United States itself.

"We . . . have been involved in the black people's struggle for liberation and self-determination in this country for the past five years. Our work, particularly in the South, has taught us that the United States government has never guaranteed the freedom of oppressed citizens, and is not yet truly determined to end the rule of terror and oppression within its own borders. . . .

"We are in sympathy with, and support, the men in this country who are unwilling to respond to a military draft which would compel them to contribute their lives to United States aggression in Vietnam in the name of the 'freedom' we find so false in this country."

Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), position paper on Vietnam, 1966

Which of the following historical processes most directly contributed to reactions like those depicted in the excerpt?

Efforts to contain the spread of communism following the Second World War

"The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee now states its opposition to United States involvement in Vietnam on these grounds:

"We believe the United States government has been deceptive in its claims of concern for the freedom of the Vietnamese people, just as the government has been deceptive in claiming concern for the freedom of colored people in such other countries as the Dominican Republic, the Congo, South Africa, Rhodesia, and the United States itself.

"We . . . have been involved in the black people's struggle for liberation and self-determination in this country for the past five years. Our work, particularly in the South, has taught us that the United States government has never guaranteed the freedom of oppressed citizens, and is not yet truly determined to end the rule of terror and oppression within its own borders. . . .

"We are in sympathy with, and support, the men in this country who are unwilling to respond to a military draft which would compel them to contribute their lives to United States aggression in Vietnam in the name of the 'freedom' we find so false in this country."

Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), position paper on Vietnam, 1966

Political statements such as the excerpt most directly culminated in which of the following?

The growth in opposition to United States foreign policies by many groups on the political left

"The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee now states its opposition to United States involvement in Vietnam on these grounds:

"We believe the United States government has been deceptive in its claims of concern for the freedom of the Vietnamese people, just as the government has been deceptive in claiming concern for the freedom of colored people in such other countries as the Dominican Republic, the Congo, South Africa, Rhodesia, and the United States itself.

"We . . . have been involved in the black people's struggle for liberation and self-determination in this country for the past five years. Our work, particularly in the South, has taught us that the United States government has never guaranteed the freedom of oppressed citizens, and is not yet truly determined to end the rule of terror and oppression within its own borders. . . .

"We are in sympathy with, and support, the men in this country who are unwilling to respond to a military draft which would compel them to contribute their lives to United States aggression in Vietnam in the name of the 'freedom' we find so false in this country."

Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), position paper on Vietnam, 1966

The activities of young people like those in SNCC exemplify which of the following broader changes in United States society during the 1960s?

Many rejected the values of previous generations.

A sense of optimism in the 1950s and 1960s most likely emerged in response to which of the following contexts?

Rapid economic growth led to greater affluence.

The American Indian civil rights movement differed from other civil rights movements at the time because it

sought to gain compensation for past government land policies

The activism for lesbian and gay rights most closely mirrored the activism for African American civil rights in that both groups

used public protests to call for legal protections

In the 1960s, conservatives most likely had which of the following goals in challenging laws that they perceived as being liberal, such as Lyndon Johnson's Great Society programs?

They sought to limit the role of the federal government in people's lives.

"I am convinced that if we are to get on the right side of the world revolution, we as a nation must undergo a radical revolution of values. We must rapidly begin...the shift from a thing-oriented society to a person-oriented society. When machines and computers, profit motives and property rights are considered more important than people, the giant triplets of racism, extreme materialism, and militarism are incapable of being conquered."
Martin Luther King, Jr., "Beyond Vietnam," April 4, 1967

The reference to "the world revolution" in the excerpt most directly refers to which of the following developments in international affairs following the Second World War?

Decolonization and the emergence of nationalist movements in Asia and Africa

"I am convinced that if we are to get on the right side of the world revolution, we as a nation must undergo a radical revolution of values. We must rapidly begin...the shift from a thing-oriented society to a person-oriented society. When machines and computers, profit motives and property rights are considered more important than people, the giant triplets of racism, extreme materialism, and militarism are incapable of being conquered."
Martin Luther King, Jr., "Beyond Vietnam," April 4, 1967

King's ideas in the excerpt most directly represent which of the following shifts in thinking among Civil Rights leaders in the second half of the 1960s?

Deepening concerns about persistence of inequality

A major consequence of the 1973 Yom Kippur War in the Middle East was that it led immediately to

an energy crisis sparked by OPEC's embargo of oil to the Western world

Accounts of North Vietnamese torpedo-boat attacks on United States destroyers in the Gulf of Tonkin during the summer of 1964 were used to justify which of the following United States actions in Vietnam?

Escalation of the American war effort

"I am forty-nine years old. It took me years of considerable anguish to get where I am. . . . I was nurtured in the Depression; I lost four years to war; I have had one coronary; I am a 'liberal,' a square and a professor of history.
"As such, I am supposed to have 'liaison' with the young. But the fact is that I am fed up with hippies, Yippies, militants and nonsense. . . .
"Every generation makes mistakes, always has and always will. We have made our share. But my generation has made America the most affluent country on earth; it has tackled, head-on, a racial problem which no nation on earth in the history of mankind had dared to do. It has publicly declared war on poverty and it has gone to the moon; it has desegregated schools and abolished polio. . . .
"I assert that we are [in] trouble with this younger generation not because we have failed our country, not because of affluence or stupidity, . . . not because we are middle-class materialists, but simply because we have failed to keep that generation in its place. . . .
"To the extent that we now rely on the police, mace, the National Guard, tear gas, steel fences and a wringing of hands, we will fail. What we need is a reappraisal of our own middle-class selves, our worth and our hard-won progress. We need to use disdain, not mace; we need to reassess a weapon we came by the hard way—firm authority as parents, teachers, businessmen, workers and politicians."
K. Ross Toole, An Angry Man Talks Up to Youth, 1970

Which of the following was a long-term reaction to the actions of the youth addressed in the excerpt?

The emergence of a conservative backlash against perceived cultural decline

"I am forty-nine years old. It took me years of considerable anguish to get where I am. . . . I was nurtured in the Depression; I lost four years to war; I have had one coronary; I am a 'liberal,' a square and a professor of history.
"As such, I am supposed to have 'liaison' with the young. But the fact is that I am fed up with hippies, Yippies, militants and nonsense. . . .
"Every generation makes mistakes, always has and always will. We have made our share. But my generation has made America the most affluent country on earth; it has tackled, head-on, a racial problem which no nation on earth in the history of mankind had dared to do. It has publicly declared war on poverty and it has gone to the moon; it has desegregated schools and abolished polio. . . .
"I assert that we are [in] trouble with this younger generation not because we have failed our country, not because of affluence or stupidity, . . . not because we are middle-class materialists, but simply because we have failed to keep that generation in its place. . . .
"To the extent that we now rely on the police, mace, the National Guard, tear gas, steel fences and a wringing of hands, we will fail. What we need is a reappraisal of our own middle-class selves, our worth and our hard-won progress. We need to use disdain, not mace; we need to reassess a weapon we came by the hard way—firm authority as parents, teachers, businessmen, workers and politicians."
K. Ross Toole, An Angry Man Talks Up to Youth, 1970

The historical development described in the excerpt can best be explained by which of the following related developments?

The persistence of economic and racial disparity in the United States

"I am forty-nine years old. It took me years of considerable anguish to get where I am. . . . I was nurtured in the Depression; I lost four years to war; I have had one coronary; I am a 'liberal,' a square and a professor of history.
"As such, I am supposed to have 'liaison' with the young. But the fact is that I am fed up with hippies, Yippies, militants and nonsense. . . .
"Every generation makes mistakes, always has and always will. We have made our share. But my generation has made America the most affluent country on earth; it has tackled, head-on, a racial problem which no nation on earth in the history of mankind had dared to do. It has publicly declared war on poverty and it has gone to the moon; it has desegregated schools and abolished polio. . . .
"I assert that we are [in] trouble with this younger generation not because we have failed our country, not because of affluence or stupidity, . . . not because we are middle-class materialists, but simply because we have failed to keep that generation in its place. . . .
"To the extent that we now rely on the police, mace, the National Guard, tear gas, steel fences and a wringing of hands, we will fail. What we need is a reappraisal of our own middle-class selves, our worth and our hard-won progress. We need to use disdain, not mace; we need to reassess a weapon we came by the hard way—firm authority as parents, teachers, businessmen, workers and politicians."
K. Ross Toole, An Angry Man Talks Up to Youth, 1970

The sentiments expressed in the excerpt are best explained in connection to which of the following broader developments during the period?

A widening political and cultural gap between young people and earlier generations

"Current sit-ins and other demonstrations are concerned with something much bigger than a hamburger.... Whatever may be the difference in approach to their goal... students, North and South, are seeking to rid America of the scourge of... discrimination—not only at lunch counters, but in every aspect of life."
Ella Baker, "Bigger Than a Hamburger," Raleigh, NC, 1960

The tactics described in the excerpt best represent which of the following?

Using nonviolence

"Current sit-ins and other demonstrations are concerned with something much bigger than a hamburger.... Whatever may be the difference in approach to their goal... students, North and South, are seeking to rid America of the scourge of... discrimination—not only at lunch counters, but in every aspect of life."
Ella Baker, "Bigger Than a Hamburger," Raleigh, NC, 1960

The events described in the excerpt contributed most directly to the

passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964

Betty Friedan is best known for her

criticism of traditional gender roles

Betty Friedan's best-selling book of the 1960s observed that

many middle-class housewives and mothers felt frustration and a lack of fulfillment

1. We want freedom. We want power to determine the destiny of our Black community. We believe that Black people will not be free until we are able to determine our destiny.
2. We want full employment for our people. We believe that the federal government is responsible and obligated to give every man employment or a guaranteed income. We believe that if the White American businessmen will not give full employment, then the means of production should be taken from the businessmen and placed in the community so that the people of the community can organize and employ all of its people and give a high standard of living. . . .
6. We want all Black men to be exempt from military service. We believe that Black people should not be forced to fight in the military service to defend a racist government that does not protect us. We will not fight and kill other people of color in the world who, like Black people, are being victimized. . . .
8. We want freedom for all Black men held in federal, state, county and city prisons and jails. We believe that all Black people should be released from the many jails and prisons because they have not received a fair and impartial trial.
Black Panther Party, Ten-Point Program, 1966
The opinions expressed in the excerpt are most similar to those of the American Indian Movement in that both groups

In which of the following ways did public attitudes toward the Civil Rights movement change as a result of sentiments such as those expressed in the excerpt?

White approval declined as a result of the perception that aggressive policies like those of the Black Panthers resulted in urban unrest.

1. We want freedom. We want power to determine the destiny of our Black community. We believe that Black people will not be free until we are able to determine our destiny.
2. We want full employment for our people. We believe that the federal government is responsible and obligated to give every man employment or a guaranteed income. We believe that if the White American businessmen will not give full employment, then the means of production should be taken from the businessmen and placed in the community so that the people of the community can organize and employ all of its people and give a high standard of living. . . .
6. We want all Black men to be exempt from military service. We believe that Black people should not be forced to fight in the military service to defend a racist government that does not protect us. We will not fight and kill other people of color in the world who, like Black people, are being victimized. . . .
8. We want freedom for all Black men held in federal, state, county and city prisons and jails. We believe that all Black people should be released from the many jails and prisons because they have not received a fair and impartial trial.
Black Panther Party, Ten-Point Program, 1966

The opinions expressed in the excerpt are most similar to those of the American Indian Movement in that both groups

argued that the United States had a responsibility to provide compensation for past injustices

1. We want freedom. We want power to determine the destiny of our Black community. We believe that Black people will not be free until we are able to determine our destiny.
2. We want full employment for our people. We believe that the federal government is responsible and obligated to give every man employment or a guaranteed income. We believe that if the White American businessmen will not give full employment, then the means of production should be taken from the businessmen and placed in the community so that the people of the community can organize and employ all of its people and give a high standard of living. . . .
6. We want all Black men to be exempt from military service. We believe that Black people should not be forced to fight in the military service to defend a racist government that does not protect us. We will not fight and kill other people of color in the world who, like Black people, are being victimized. . . .
8. We want freedom for all Black men held in federal, state, county and city prisons and jails. We believe that all Black people should be released from the many jails and prisons because they have not received a fair and impartial trial.
Black Panther Party, Ten-Point Program, 1966

The sentiments expressed in the excerpt best reflect which of the following divisions within the Civil Rights movement?

Frustrations among Civil Rights activists that social and political change was not occurring fast enough

Which of the following did the Black Panthers and the Nation of Islam have in common in the late 1960s?

They emphasized developing a greater sense of Black nationalism and solidarity.

The Black Power movement of the late 1960s advocated that African Americans

establish control of their political and economic life

"One of the tragedies of the struggle against racism is that up to now there has been no national organization which could speak to the growing militancy of young black people in the urban ghetto. There has been only a civil rights movement whose tone of voice was adapted to an audience of liberal whites. It served as a sort of buffer zone between them and angry young blacks. . . .
"An organization which claims to speak for the needs of a community—as does the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee—must speak in the tone of that community, not as somebody else's buffer zone. . . .
"The need for psychological equality is the reason why SNCC today believes that blacks must organize in the black community. Only black people can convey the revolutionary idea that black people are able to do things themselves. Only they can help create in the community an aroused and continuing black consciousness that will provide the basis for political strength."
Stokely Carmichael, "What We Want," 1966

The ideas expressed in the excerpt could best be used to support which of the following perspectives at the time?

Growing opposition among Civil Rights activists to Democratic political leaders who supported the status quo

"One of the tragedies of the struggle against racism is that up to now there has been no national organization which could speak to the growing militancy of young black people in the urban ghetto. There has been only a civil rights movement whose tone of voice was adapted to an audience of liberal whites. It served as a sort of buffer zone between them and angry young blacks. . . .
"An organization which claims to speak for the needs of a community—as does the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee—must speak in the tone of that community, not as somebody else's buffer zone. . . .
"The need for psychological equality is the reason why SNCC today believes that blacks must organize in the black community. Only black people can convey the revolutionary idea that black people are able to do things themselves. Only they can help create in the community an aroused and continuing black consciousness that will provide the basis for political strength."
Stokely Carmichael, "What We Want," 1966

The ideas expressed in the excerpt arose most directly in reaction to which of the following?

Discrimination and disenfranchisement that continued despite legislative gains

According to the graph above, the largest decrease in the percent of Americans living below the poverty line accompanied which of the following federal policy initiatives?

The Great Society