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Anti-trust / competition policy
Definition: government regulation limiting negative effects of market power; decides what firms can/cannot do, merger approval, and sector concentration
Terms: U.S. = Antitrust; Europe = Competition Policy
Main Areas:
Price fixing → collusion, cartels
Merger policy → prevent harmful concentration
Abuse of dominant position → exclusionary/monopolistic behavior
Other areas → market regulation, firm regulation, consumer protection
U.S approach vs. Europe approach
U.S: Consumer-focused
Antitrust decisions revolve around impact on consumers
Department of Justice (DOJ) asks:
“Will this lead to higher prices or worsen outcomes for consumers?”
Merger approval depends heavily on consumer impacts
Historically:
U.S. has become lenient toward mergers and large dominant firms.
Exception: “Trust-busting” periods (e.g., Biden administration taking a more aggressive stance)
Europe: Competitor-Focused
Focuses on impact on rival firms and overall market structure, not just consumers
Especially through DG Comp (Directorate-General for Competition, equivalent to the DOJ in the U.S.)
Known for aggressive treatment of dominant firms, including:
Microsoft
Apple
Intel
etc.
The great reversal
Historically, the U.S. and Europe switched roles:
20th Century
U.S.: Leader in competition policy; actively broke up monopolies
Europe: More focused on industrial policy (“national champions”)
Today
U.S.:
Loose merger policy, tolerant of dominant firms
Occasional trust-busters (like Biden) are exceptions
Europe:
Much stricter and more aggressive toward dominant firms
DG Comp leads strong enforcement on tech giants and merger control
Market power leads to/involves
General Trend:
A wide range of indicators show that market power has increased significantly in the 21st century, especially in the United States
Evidence / Indicators:
Higher estimated markups (firms charging above marginal cost more than before)
More concentrated ownership (e.g., same investors holding many firms in a sector)
Higher industry concentration → fewer competitors per industry
Large number of mergers, many of them unchallenged (e.g., hospitals)
Rise of superstar firms (esp. big tech): Amazon, Meta, Google, etc
What drives markups up?
Relationship:
Higher markups → higher market power
Firms can charge more above marginal cost
What drives markups up:
Low marginal cost (direct effect)
Low marginal cost doesn’t make firms raise price; it directly increases markup because markup = P−MC. When MC falls, the gap P−MC widens automatically, so markup rises even if price stays the same
High fixed cost (indirect effect)
High fixed cost doesn’t enter the pricing formula, but it pushes firms to want higher markup because they need more revenue to cover large long-run costs—this only works if the firm has market power
Lower elasticity of demand (consumers less sensitive to price changes)
When consumers are less sensitive to price changes, a firm can charge their markups at a higher price without impact.
Historical Forces Behind Rising Markups:
1980s — Reagan Era
Deregulation across major sectors like transportation
Much looser antitrust enforcement
Allowed many mergers
Belief: bigger firms = more efficient (economies of scale) and more competitive globally
Result → higher concentration and larger firms
1990s — IT Revolution
Internet, computers, mobile phones
Tech firms with high fixed cost + very low marginal cost
Network effects increased their market power
Right Before COVID
Even greater concentration in big tech
Superstar firms dominating key markets
Market power, prices, and industry differences
Concentration vs Prices:
Hard to prove strict causality between higher concentration (more market power → fewer firms in a market, more dominant firms) and higher prices
But strong correlation exists
Why markups increased:
Digital firms like Microsoft and Google have
High fixed costs
Extremely low marginal costs
Network effects
This structure naturally leads to high markups
But not just tech:
A long-term increase in concentration and prices is also seen in traditional industries such as
Housing construction
Health care
Concentrated ownership
Trend
More concentrated ownership in the 21st century
Even when the number of competitors stays the same, ownership overlap between competing firms is increasing
What this means
Many major investment funds own shares in multiple competitors within the same industry
Examples
Berkshire Hathaway
JP Morgan
PRIMECAP
Vanguard
Why overlapping ownership increases market power
When the same investors own multiple competing firms, those firms have weaker incentives to compete aggressively (“rival” firms don’t compete because they share the same shareholder: Pepsi and Coca Cola)
Higher overlapping ownership is associated with
Higher prices
Lower output
Higher market value for firms
Evidence
When institutional investors for unrelated reasons increase their ownership of multiple competitors
→ market prices tend to rise
→ firm values tend to rise
Anecdotal evidence suggests shareholders may pressure managers toward raising prices and reducing output
Causality vs. Reverse causality for healthcare in the U.S.
Healthcare in the US
Health care is taking up a growing share of the US economy
Health expenditures are about 17 percent of GDP, which is extremely high compared to other developed countries
Why Americans spend so much
One explanation is that US healthcare might be higher quality
But health outcomes do not justify the huge spending gap
Economists generally agree that market power plays a major role
Mergers and market power
Healthcare prices have increased alongside rising concentration in hospital ownership
Market power from mergers is a likely contributor
Hard to separate correlation from causation
Causality vs reverse causality
Causality:
When hospitals merge, they become larger and gain pricing power
This allows them to raise prices
Reverse causality:
Some hospitals may have already raised prices because they improved performance
Higher prices made them more attractive merger targets (another hospital wants to merge with them because they look successful)
This creates an association between mergers and higher prices even if mergers did not directly cause the price increase

Effects of airline deregulation diagram
Deregulation in the airline industry
Deregulation means the government removes rules about how firms set prices and which routes they can operate
Firms can now choose prices freely and compete across routes
More competitors enter the market because of less rules. More competition pushes prices down and expands output
When more firms enter and compete, they lower prices to attract customers, and lower prices increase the quantity demanded
Price and quantity effects
Price falls from p1 to p2
Quantity increases from q1 to q2
Area A
Transfer from producers to consumers because consumers pay lower prices
Area B (allocative inefficiency) → decrease
Deregulation reduces deadweight loss by allowing trades that were previously restricted
DWL: value of trades and transactions that are forgone/given up due to monopolies/ tax imposed in the market
Area C (productive inefficiency) → decrease
More competition pressures firms to lower marginal costs because if they were to lower price to attract consumers, they need to reduce marginal cost for profit
As marginal cost decreases, the supply curve shifts down from S to S’
Merger policy
Merger policy applies when two firms want to merge, especially if they are large firms or operate in the same industry because a reduction in the number of competitors may reduce competition and harm consumers through higher prices, less choice, and less innovation
large firms
operate in same industry
Efficiency gains (Pro-Merger) include merger synergies such as cost savings, economies of scale, combined capabilities, and operational improvements
merger synergies (cost savings)
economies of scale
combined capabilities
operational improvements
Market power threats (Anti-Merger) include reduced competition, higher prices, less innovation, and reduced consumer choice
reduced competition
higher prices
less innovation
reduced consumer choice
Property rights
Property rights = who legally controls a resource. Competitive markets only maximize surplus if property rights are well-defined
competitive equilibrium depends on property rights
total surplus maximization assumes property rights
Property rights fail when a resource is common and non-excludable → overuse (tragedy of the commons)
tragedy of the commons
England’s enclosures (17th century) →
China’s responsibility system (1970s) → overusing farmland
Newfoundland cod collapse (1990s) → overfishing
Property rights also fail with externalities → no one owns the harmed resource, so the true social cost isn’t priced
climate change

Negative externality
A negative externality occurs when an action imposes a cost on another party and leads the market equilibrium activity (overproduction) level to be greater than the socially optimal level
pollution
loud music
smoking a cigarette where smoke harms others
A firm choosing output only considers its private marginal cost MC and ignores its marginal external cost MEC so it equates demand with MC and produces at p0 and q0
Marginal social cost MSC = MC + MEC and when MEC is added to MC the MSC curve identifies the socially optimal point at p* and q*
True cost to society (MSC) = cost to firm (MC) + harm to others (MEC)
Negative externalities → DWL because of too much production (value of trades and transactions SHOULD NOT happen because they harm society)
L represents deadweight loss, the value of the negative externality and the aggregate social cost created by producing between q0 and q* because too much is produced
MSC > MC
markets overproduce
MSC > willingness to pay for units between q* and q̄
area L = deadweight loss

Positive externality
A positive externality occurs when an action creates a benefit for others and the market equilibrium activity level is smaller than the socially optimal level
yard work
public art
vaccinations
In the positive externality diagram marginal social benefit MSB = D (marginal private benefit) + MEB
Total society benefit = marginal private benefit + marginal external benefit
The socially optimal output occurs where supply intersects MSB at p* and q*
Underproduction: you only see demand (marginal private benefit) you don’t see marginal society benefit
Because buyers don’t get the extra benefit they’re creating for society, so they’re not willing to consume as much as society wants
Private benefit (you benefit) and social benefit (society benefit)
In contrast to negative externality, DWL because positive externality → too little output → DWL from missing beneficial trades and transactions that SHOULD happen. L represents the aggregate social benefit lost when output is at q0 instead of q*
MSB > demand
market underproduces
efficiency at q*
deadweight loss between q̄ and q*
Positive externality example - flu vaccination
Flu vaccination
• private benefit: you don’t get sick
• social benefit: you don’t infect others
A 1% increase in vaccination saves 795 lives and 14.5 million work hours valued at approximately $150 per vaccination
• 795 lives saved
• 14.5M work hours saved
Research question: do parts of the US with higher flu vaccination rates display better health outcomes
Omitted variable bias: latent variables (e.g., health consciousness) influence both vaccination and health outcomes
Identification: relevant flu strains are unpredictable at vaccination time creating exogenous variation in effective vaccination
Market price of a flu shot: $20 to $40

Pigou tax
For a negative externality, a Pigouvian tax equal to the marginal external cost shifts the supply curve upward, causing firms to internalize the external cost and reduce excessive activity.
Pigouvian tax outcomes include decreased emissions, decreased traffic delays, increased speeds, and reduced congestion in Manhattan’s congestion zone
emissions decrease
traffic delays decrease
travel speed increases
congestion improves
For a positive externality, a Pigouvian subsidy equal to the marginal external benefit shifts the supply curve downward (or the demand curve upward), causing firms or consumers to internalize the external benefit and increase insufficient activity to the socially optimal level.
Social pressure can also correct externalities
yard work
community organizations
water rights
Pigou taxes make private cost equal social cost without banning activity or micromanaging behavior
Requires government to know correct tax t which is difficult especially for carbon
Starting from p0 and q0 a Pigou tax T representing external harm shifts the supply curve upward until it aligns with the marginal social cost curve MSC where supply meets demand at the socially optimal output
Negative externality:
Market overproduces
Fix = Pigouvian tax
Tax = MEC
Shifts MC → MSC
Supply curve shifts up
Reduces quantity to q* and increases price
Positive externality:
Market underproduces
Fix = Pigouvian subsidy
Subsidy = MEB
Shifts Demand → MSB
Supply curve shifts down
Increases quantity to q* and decreases price
Climate change
Carbon emissions and global temperatures have increased and although correlation is not causation strong arguments suggest causal links
Climate change is a global tragedy of the commons because the atmosphere is non-excludable and emissions anywhere affect everyone
CO₂ emissions strongly correlate with GDP
To reduce emissions
reduce economic activity
increase efficiency
switch to cleaner energy
To reduce CO₂ stock
reforestation
carbon capture
direct air capture
Asymmetric information
Asymmetric information is a situation where one party (buyer or seller) knows more than the other about a key characteristic of the good, the transaction, or themselves which affects how the market functions
buyer knows their health risk better than insurer
seller knows car quality better than buyer
worker knows effort level better than employer
Asymmetric information causes mispricing, mis-sorting, market unraveling, and welfare losses because one side has superior private information and the other side cannot correctly price or screen
Two major types of asymmetric information failures
Adverse selection (hidden information): the problem happens before the transaction because one party has hidden type
One side has private information before the deal
Hidden type/quality
Problem: the people who benefit most from a deal are the ones more likely to participate → leads to "bad selection" into the market
Example:
• Unhealthy people are more likely to buy health insurance.
• Sellers hide car problems when selling a used car → buyers lower price → good cars leave the market.
Moral hazard (hidden action): the problem happens after the transaction because one party takes hidden actions
Happens after the deal is made
Hidden behavior/actions
People take more risks once they are protected by insurance/contract
Example:
• After getting phone insurance, people take less care of their phone.
• Insured drivers drive less carefully because repairs are covered.
Examples
adverse selection example: unhealthy buyers are more likely to buy insurance
moral hazard example: insured people take less care of their phones
Key conceptual difference
adverse selection = hidden type
moral hazard = hidden behavior
In strategic situations one player may have more information than the other which changes how both parties play and creates incentives to exploit informational advantages
Economic principle: when people have superior information expect them to try to use it to their advantage
Hidden actions
Hidden actions occur when the choice of one player is not observed by the other and this leads to moral hazard and principal–agent (agency) problems
Example: employer vs worker (sales assistant)
it is hard for employer to monitor worker’s effort
worker may shirk
employer anticipates shirking (neglect responsibility) and offers a low wage
hidden action: employer cannot observe worker’s actions
result: moral hazard
LEADS to moral hazard (people behaving more riskier because they’re protected, or in this case, not monitored by employer)
Hidden information
Hidden information occurs when one player knows more about the game or payoffs than the other and this leads to adverse selection and the lemons problem
Example: seller of used cars vs buyer
buyer is uncertain about quality
low-quality seller more likely to accept buyer’s offer
buyer anticipates this and only offers low prices
market becomes full of lemons
hidden information → adverse selection (only bad left in the market, full of lemons which are the cheap cars as expensive cars can’t be sold)
too few transactions of used cars
Adverse selection
Adverse selection occurs when one side of the market possesses private information about their type (quality or risk) and the uninformed side must make an offer based on averages, causing the offer to be disproportionately accepted by worse types and driving better types out
unhealthy buyers more likely to buy insurance
sellers more willing to sell low-quality used cars
workers with low effort more likely to accept low monitoring jobs
When the uninformed party sets a price for the average participant, good types find the offer unattractive and exit first which worsens the composition of the remaining pool
As the pool worsens, the uninformed side must adjust the price in a way that makes even more good types leave, creating a downward spiral that can unravel the market entirely
The general effect of adverse selection is that low-quality goods or high-risk customers disproportionately populate the market, causing trade to shrink or disappear even though mutually beneficial trade existed under full information
Markets combat adverse selection using mechanisms that reveal or certify true quality or risk
warranties (consumer confidence)
reputation and branding
verification such as medical examinations
mandatory insurance

Adverse selection in health insurance
In health insurance, adverse selection occurs when buyers know whether they are low-risk or high-risk but insurers cannot distinguish types, so a premium based on the average will be selectively accepted by high-risk individuals and rejected by low-risk individuals
When neither buyers nor sellers know the buyer’s type, the insurer uses expected cost and expected willingness to pay to price the contract
expected cost = 1,000 × 90% + 30,000 × 10% = 3,900
expected WTP = 3,000 × 90% + 20,000 × 10% = 4,700
since expected WTP > expected cost, gains from trade exist
a premium around 4,650 is acceptable to both insurer and buyer
When buyers know their own type but the insurer cannot distinguish them, the same premium of 4,650 is rejected by low-risk buyers (WTP = 3,000) and accepted only by high-risk buyers (WTP = 20,000)
Because only high-risk buyers accept the contract, the insurer infers that acceptance reveals high-risk status
• conditional expected cost = 30,000
• premium of 4,650 produces large losses for insurer
To avoid losses, the insurer must raise the premium to at least 30,000, but at that price even high-risk buyers drop out (WTP = 20,000), causing the entire market to collapse
Hidden information → Insurer charges one price → Low-risk exit → High-risk stay → Insurer raises price → Everyone leaves → Market fails
Adverse selection - death spiral
A death spiral occurs when successive rounds of adverse selection cause healthier or lower-risk individuals to exit an insurance plan, leaving behind sicker and costlier individuals and forcing premiums continually higher until the market collapses
Dynamic adverse selection happens because each premium increase drives out the remaining healthy people, which raises average cost again and triggers yet another premium increase
Empirical example: Harvard University Case
in 1994, Harvard had about 10,000 full-time employees
employees could choose between low-cost HMO plans and a higher-cost PPO plan
18% of employees enrolled in the PPO in 1994
the university reduced the employer subsidy for the PPO for 1995
employee PPO cost difference rose from $361 (1994) to $731 (1995)
healthy PPO enrollees dropped the PPO because it was no longer worth it
sicker employees stayed in the PPO, raising its average cost
premiums increased again the next year, causing even more healthy people to leave
the PPO market moved toward collapse due to repeated adverse-selection cycles
Adverse selection in credit card
Credit card markets also exhibit adverse selection because high-interest credit offers are disproportionately accepted by borrowers with bad credit rather than borrowers with good credit
When only credit-unworthy borrowers accept high-APR offers, expected repayment quality declines and issuers raise interest rates further, pushing good borrowers out and worsening the pool even more
Adverse selection demonstrates again that with asymmetric information, low-quality participants can drive high-quality participants out of the market
Hidden actions
Hidden actions occur when a principal hires an agent to perform a task but cannot fully observe the agent’s actions, creating misaligned incentives and the risk of moral hazard
In a principal–agent relationship the outcome depends partly on the agent’s effort, but because effort cannot be perfectly monitored the principal must design compensation to align incentives
Example: American Express
AmEx (principal) wants stores to accept AmEx cards
consultants (agents) must convince retailers to install equipment
AmEx cannot observe how hard consultants work because stores are spread out
the payment scheme must choose between hourly pay (low-powered) or commission (high-powered)
Other relationships also involve a principal, an agent, and a hidden action, and each requires identifying who cannot observe whom
Hidden actions in consulting
In consulting, moral hazard arises when firms pay consultants hourly because clients cannot observe how much real work the consultant performs and expect the consultant to bill more hours or shift effort toward tasks that benefit the consultant rather than the client
A solution is to require consultants to submit daily or weekly activity reports so that payment is tied to documented work rather than unobserved effort
Moral hazard
Moral hazard occurs when one party changes its behavior after a contract or agreement because the other party bears the cost and the first party’s actions cannot be observed
Key idea: hidden actions distort incentives, causing individuals to behave more carelessly or take more risks once protected by insurance or coverage
Difference from adverse selection
adverse selection = hidden type (before the contract)
moral hazard = hidden action (after the contract)
Example: cracked iPhone screens
full insurance would cause people to take less care or even intentionally damage screens
such insurance exists but is extremely expensive because moral hazard would increase claims
Moral hazard in health insurance (ex ante & ex post)
There are two types of moral hazard on the demand side of health insurance: ex ante and ex post
Ex ante moral hazard occurs when individuals behave more riskily because they know insurance protects them from financial loss
insurance → riskier behavior → greater chance of sickness or accident
BEFORE ILLNESS: You take more risks (get more injuries) because you know insurance will cover you
Ex post moral hazard occurs when individuals change their consumption of healthcare after becoming sick because insurance lowers the marginal cost of care
insurance → lower out-of-pocket cost → choose more expensive drugs or surgery
AFTER ILLNESS: You know that insurance will pay so you take advantage by using more like taking more tests, etc
Solutions for insurers include
deductibles
copays
coinsurance
Moral hazard in financial crisis
Moral hazard in the financial crisis arose because large financial institutions expected government bailouts if they failed, encouraging excessive risk-taking
The belief that failure would be rescued (“too big to fail”) created the incentive for firms to take on more risk since losses would be socialized while gains would be privatized
This perverse incentive contributed to the buildup of risky positions before the crisis
Banks engage in risky behavior because they know the government will incentivize and resolve issues
High-powered vs low-powered incentives
Low-powered incentives such as fixed wages or hourly pay provide stable income but weak incentives for effort because the agent is paid the same regardless of performance
High-powered incentives such as commissions, bonuses, or performance pay tie compensation strongly to measurable output, giving the agent stronger effort incentives
Advantages of high-powered incentives
• strong effort alignment
• can motivate high productivity
Disadvantages of high-powered incentives
• high income variability
• unfair outcomes when results are influenced by luck
• performance may be difficult to measure or easy to game
• tasks may be multidimensional and not captured by a single metric
Moral hazard in trucking industry
In the trucking industry, some firms contract with independent owner-drivers rather than hiring employee drivers because owner-drivers have stronger incentives to maintain their own trucks
When the trucking company owns the trucks, employee drivers may take less care because they do not bear maintenance costs, creating a hidden-action problem
Trucking companies evaluate performance based on factors such as
driving speed
care of the truck

Income distribution
China income distribution:
China experienced a major shift in income distribution as rapid economic growth pulled hundreds of millions of people out of poverty and expanded the size of the middle class
The growth of China’s middle class reshaped global income distribution by transforming the world from a bimodal distribution (a two-peak world with rich vs poor countries) into a more unimodal distribution with a large global middle
China’s economic rise pulled the global income distribution upward, reducing global inequality even though inequality within some countries may still remain high
Within-country inequality:
Within-country inequality refers to the gap between rich and poor individuals inside the same country regardless of the country’s overall income level
the United States has one of the highest within-country inequality levels despite being a high-income nation
A central insight is that global inequality has decreased because China’s middle class expanded dramatically even though regional inequality across some areas (such as Sub-Saharan Africa vs rich nations) has not fallen
Across-country inequality measures gaps between nations, while within-country inequality measures gaps within a nation’s population
Income distribution - Sub-Saharan Africa:
Sub-Saharan Africa shows only a slight shift in income distribution compared to China, and the change is not as large or transformative


Lorenz curves and the Gini index
The Lorenz curve measures the distribution of income within a country by plotting cumulative population on the horizontal axis and cumulative income on the vertical axis to show how equally or unequally income is shared
Brazil’s Lorenz curve lies far below the diagonal and shows high inequality
the United States has a curve below the diagonal but not as extreme as Brazil
the further the curve bows away from the diagonal the greater the inequality
The 45° diagonal line represents perfect equality because each x% of the population would receive x% of the income
The Gini coefficient is a summary measure of inequality ranging from 0 to 1 and is derived from the area between the Lorenz curve and the diagonal
the area between the Lorenz curve and the diagonal is multiplied by 2 because the whole unit square has area 1
a Gini of 0 represents perfect equality
a Gini of 1 represents maximum inequality
Cross-country inequality refers to income gaps between nations while within-country inequality refers to gaps among individuals in the same country and most modern inequality debates focus on within-country inequality

Income and income inequality
On average the richer a country is the lower its income inequality because higher-income nations tend to have stronger institutions and redistribution that compress the income distribution
Ukraine has low per-capita income but also a low Gini coefficient meaning low inequality
Norway and Sweden have high per-capita income and low inequality
South Africa has relatively low per-capita income and extremely high inequality
The United States is an outlier because despite being a rich high-income country it has far more income inequality than most countries at its income level
On average countries with more income equality have higher hourly productivity and the relationship is positively sloped because equality is associated with better human capital investment and more efficient use of labor
countries like Denmark and Norway are highly equal and highly productive
countries with low equality indexes tend to have lower productivity levels


Top 1% income
From 1920 to 1980 the share of total income earned by the top 1% generally fell across many countries and then from 1980 to the present day the top 1% income share increased
the rise after 1980 is associated with policy changes such as Ronald Reagan’s administration in the United States which induced more wealth inequality
the increased income concentration in the top 1% and in the top .01% and .001% began in the late 20th century
The rise of top income shares took place in many different countries with different varieties of capitalism which shows that the trend is broad and not limited to a single economic model
In the United States the top 1% holds extremely high wealth relative to other countries and wealth inequality is far more extreme than income inequality
Expenditure and income matter less than wealth because expenditure is much less concentrated while wealth is heavily concentrated in the top
Expenditure (consumption, money you spend) is less concentrated than wealth because of life-cycle smoothing which reduces measured expenditure inequality
Life-cycle smoothing explains why expenditure inequality is lower than income inequality because income varies a lot over a lifetime while expenditure changes much less
young workers earn less
middle-aged workers earn the most
retirees earn little income
but borrowing saving and smoothing behavior keep expenditure relatively stable
therefore measured expenditure inequality ≈ lower than income inequality because some observed income inequality reflects temporary life-cycle differences rather than permanent class differences

Sources of income inequality
Capital vs. labor
Returns on capital accrued faster than returns on labor
Rich people compared to poor people, they save more money in proportion (so the non-consumed wealth becomes more wealth as it accumulates) in contrast to poor people who spend most of their income
Skilled-biased technical change
Ai improvements will favor the rich compared to the poor
AI complements high-skilled labor and therefore, replaces low-skilled labor
Robots and automation substitute for them. This reduces demand → lowers wages and employment.
AI, software, data systems complement them. This increases demand → raises wages
Market power (monopoly and monopsony)
Decline in the power of unions
Monopoly of companies like Apple
Superstar firms:
Very high fixed costs + very low marginal costs allow “winner-take-most” outcomes
Firms like Apple, Microsoft, Amazon dominate markets and employ few people relative to revenue
Globalization
Firms have to compete, so shifting from using low-skill workers to high-skill workers
Firms hire from poor countries that pay much less (U.S. $15 minimum wage whereas Vietnam is $1-3)
Superstar effects
Ex: the potential to earn power in the 60s (The Beatles) in contrast to now (Taylor Swift) is huge
In the 60s, it’s more limited but now, it’s more available because of the internet (views, social media)
Celebrities nowadays have more earning power
Small differences in talent translate into huge differences of income. In 2025, that happens because of technology
Actors, athletes, CEOs, authors — tiny quality differences → massive income gaps
Love and inequality
The rich marry the rich (people usually marry into the people who are similar)
The rich who marry the rich will combine their wealth which perpetuates even more wealth inequality

Identifying discrimination
Economists have shown that discrimination is present in hiring by examining how women and minorities are treated in competitive settings such as orchestra auditions
By as late as 1970 only about 10% of musicians in each of the US “big five” orchestras were women despite the large pool of trained female musicians
In July 1969 during the civil rights movement two Black musicians in the New York Philharmonic a double bassist and a cellist accused the orchestra of racial discrimination which brought attention to bias in the audition process
In response various symphony orchestras began gradually introducing blind auditions where musicians perform behind a screen so the jury cannot see them and this gradual adoption allows researchers to test whether blind auditions affected female hiring
The historical data shows a strong correlation between the introduction of blind auditions and the increase in female musicians because as more auditions became blind more women were hired
Researchers note possible endogeneity since more female musicians being hired could also cause orchestras to adopt blind auditions but the overall timing still supports the presence of bias
By 1970 about 10% of orchestra members were female while by the mid-1990s that figure increased to about 35%
Goldin and Rouse estimate that approximately 30% of the increase in female hires was attributable specifically to blind auditions
These findings confirm that discrimination against women existed when juries could see the candidate because eliminating visual cues increased female hiring and revealed prior biases against women in orchestras

U-Shaped female labor force participation
Goldin’s research combined economics and history to create a coherent framework for understanding female labor market outcomes and challenged the conventional belief that female labor force participation always rises with development
Goldin (1990) showed that the long-run pattern of US married women’s labor force participation is U-shaped meaning women worked a lot in early agricultural society participation declined during industrialization and then rose again in the modern service economy
1790–1850 Agriculture era had high married women’s participation because rural farm work and household production overlapped and women’s work was informal but economically significant
• women milked cows tended crops and contributed directly to household production
1820–1880 Industrialization reduced married women’s participation because men working in factories earned enough money for the household and factory jobs required high working hours which is not possible for women taking care of children at home, which caused the downward slope of the U-shape
1910–1940 Service society expanded and women’s participation began rising again due to major structural and social changes
• World Wars increased female employment as men left the workforce
• the 19th Amendment expanded political rights
• women entered teaching nursing clerical work
Post-1940 the rise accelerated due to changes that increased women’s autonomy and human capital
• contraceptive pill allowed women to control timing of childbirth (less childbirth)
• changing expectations shifted norms around women working
• expanding education increased skills and career opportunities
By the mid-20th century women’s participation rose sharply because higher education fertility control and changing social norms enabled long-term careers forming the upward part of the U-shape

Pill and delayed marriage
The introduction of the contraceptive pill in the 1960s allowed women especially U.S. college-educated women to delay marriage and childbirth because fertility control gave them more autonomy over timing and long-term planning
Between the 1930 and 1970 birth cohorts the fraction of college-graduate women married by young ages declined showing a clear trend toward later marriage
women born in 1930 had high marriage rates by ages 20–24
women born closer to 1970 married significantly later
Access to the pill made it easier for women to invest in education graduate school and early-career development because they could avoid early unplanned births and coordinate schooling with future family goals
The pill additionally contributed to rising female labor force participation by enabling women to delay family formation which supported long-run career continuity and allowed entry into higher-earning and professional occupation


Education
The introduction of the contraceptive pill in the 1960s allowed women to delay marriage and childbirth which increased women’s ability to invest in education and career planning
Access to the pill and expanding education helped women enter professional programs in large numbers after the early 1970s
medicine
law
dentistry
MBA programs
The modern gender wage gap is not mainly about human capital differences because women today have similar or higher education levels compared to men
Today the gender wage gap is driven by how the labor market rewards long hours rigid schedules and low flexibility
women still face more household and caregiving responsibilities
parenthood is the proximate cause of the wage gap
Workplace inflexibility amplifies the parenthood penalty because high-paid jobs disproportionately reward continuous long-hour work
Working from home may reduce the gender wage gap by increasing flexibility and reducing penalties for caregiving interruptions

Some philosophical questions and quotes
The mainstream economics paradigm of rational behavior assumes that individuals are selfish, in the sense that they maximize their wellbeing (their utility)
Is this a normative statement (“greed is good”) or a positive statement?
What does an individual’s utility include? Specifically, do individuals care about the wellbeing of others? If so, as much as their own wellbeing? Is there an individual demand for fairness?
Should a democratic society care about fairness, equity, solidarity? If so, by how much?
How much value do we need to lose so as to achieve lower inequality?
How much value are we willing to lose so as to achieve lower inequality
We are now entering the realm of political economy
Adam Smith
“How selfish soever man may be supposed, there are evidently some principles in his nature which interest him in the fortunes of others, and render their happiness necessary to him, though he derives nothing from it except the pleasure of seeing it.” (Adam Smith)
People care about others, the fortune of others
Francis Edgeworth
“The first principle of economics is that every agent is actuated only by self-interest.” (Francis Edgeworth)
People are pure self-interested

Ultimatum bargaining game
Ultimatum game is probably simplest experiment to test trade-off between personal gain and fairness
Often repeated laboratory experiment
Subjects include students, farmers, warehouse workers, and hunter-gatherers
How we play:
Proposer is temporarily given 100
Must choose a share s to offer the responder
Proposer keeps 100 − s if offer is accepted
Responder chooses to accept or reject
Accept → payoffs become (100 − s , s)
Reject → both receive (0 , 0)
s can be any value from 0 to 100
Represents how much proposer is willing to give player 2
Game theory prediction from pure rationality
A rational responder with no fairness concerns accepts any s > 0
Proposer anticipates this and works backwards
Proposer’s optimal move under pure rationality is to offer the smallest positive amount
What the game tree shows (image 1)
Player 1 chooses s
Player 2 chooses accept or reject
Accept branch leads to (100 − s , s)
Reject branch leads to (0 , 0)
Highlights the take-it-or-leave-it nature of the game

Ultimatum bargaining game: results in Emory University
Player 2 acceptance rates
Offers near 0 are accepted 0% of the time
Acceptance rises with s
Around 30 → ~82% acceptance
Around 40 → ~94% acceptance
At 50 → 100% acceptance
Shows responders have strong fairness preferences
Offer frequency patterns
21% of proposers offer 0
11% offer 10
22% offer 20
36% offer 30
Only 5% offer 40 and 5% offer 50
Most proposers cluster around 30 because it balances selfishness with a high chance of acceptance
Strategic interpretation
Proposers are not being altruistic (selfless)
They are avoiding rejection by offering enough to satisfy fairness expectations
They expect responders to reject unfairly low offers
Offers below ~20–30 risk rejection and lead to (0 , 0), which proposers want to avoid


Intemporal favor-exchange game
Stage game
The game is repeated many times
Each round, nature generates a potential payoff pair for player 1 and player 2
The sum of payoffs is usually positive, but one player may get a negative payoff while the other gets a positive one (example 8 , −3)
Both players simultaneously choose accept or reject
If either player rejects, both get zero
This makes it a veto game
Graph explanation
Left graph shows accepted proposals
Right graph shows rejected proposals
The diagonal L-shaped boundary shows all payoff combinations where one player gains and the other loses, or both gain
Accepted proposals (left graph)
Points above and to the right of the L shape represent cases where both players gain and are accepted
Points to the left of the vertical boundary represent cases where player 2 takes a negative payoff while player 1 gets a positive payoff
Points below the horizontal boundary represent cases where player 1 takes a negative payoff while player 2 gets a positive payoff
Shows that players sometimes willingly accept negative payoffs
Rejected proposals (right graph)
Inside the L shape, some proposals are rejected even though the sum of payoffs is positive for both players
Shows that players sometimes reject mutually beneficial outcomes
Most rejected proposals follow a pattern where one player wins heavily and the other loses heavily
Intemporal favor-exchange game - Why
Ways people care about others’ wellbeing
altruism
I get satisfaction when you benefit
intrinsic reciprocity
I treat you well because you treated me well earlier
instrumental reciprocity
I treat you well now so you will treat me well in the future
Evidence from the game
Instrumental reciprocity:
Players sometimes accept negative payoffs because they expect future favors
This behavior collapses in the final round because there is no future opportunity to reciprocate
The last-period effect shows instrumental reciprocity is strongest
Intrinsic reciprocity comes next
Altruism is weakest
Overall conclusion
Instrumental reciprocity explains most of what we see (majority of favors are driven by people paying you back, not kindness)
The favor-exchange game supports the idea that people are strategic rather than purely altruistic
Edgeworth’s idea that people act largely out of self-interest gets support again

Society’s feasible set
It shows all possible welfare (surplus) combinations for two people, A and B
The shaded area = everything society can achieve
The curved boundary (E₁, E₂, E₄) = Pareto-efficient points — society is using resources fully; you can’t make one person better off without hurting the other
Attainable combinations of individuals A and B
Pareto optimal points (efficient):
Ex: at E₁, any movement will make one person worse off
Moving in one direction makes A better off but B worse off
Moving in the opposite direction makes B better off but A worse off
Ex: at E₂, same idea: moving in either direction along the frontier helps one person but hurts the other — no way to make both better off
Ex: at E₄, same applies
Not Pareto optimal (inefficient):
Ex: at E₃, society can move outward toward the frontier and make both A and B better off
From E₃ → E₂ improves both
From E₃ → E₁ improves both
From E₃ → E₄ improves both
→ E₃ wastes surplus The interior point E₃ = inefficient — society could make both A and B better off by moving to the frontier
So:
E₁, E₂, E₄ = efficient
E₃ = inefficient (wasting surplus)
Pareto allocations
Pareto optimal allocation
an allocation is Pareto optimal if you cannot make one person better off without making someone else worse off
these allocations lie on the frontier of the welfare feasible set
First Welfare Theorem
in a competitive market economy, the equilibrium outcome will lie on the Pareto frontier
Pareto frontier
competitive markets naturally produce Pareto-efficient outcomes
when markets are competitive, the equilibrium distribution lies on the frontier of the welfare feasible set
When we’re on points like E₁, E₂, and E₄, these are all Pareto optimal.
Being on the frontier satisfies the first welfare theorem (any point on the frontier is efficient).
This means A and B are maximizing their surplus and the economy is in equilibrium.
Second Welfare Theorem
Starts at inner points of inefficient points
any point on the Pareto frontier can be achieved by redistributing initial endowments
After redistribution, markets will automatically push the economy to that chosen point
Society can choose ANY point on the Pareto frontier (E₁, E₂, or E₄)
Potential vs. strict Pareto moves
strict Pareto move
makes at least one person better off and makes no one worse off
Ex: from E₃ to E₂, we move onto the frontier and both A and B end up better off (higher surplus)
Ex: from E₃ to E₄, both A and B increase their surplus
Ex: from E₃ to E₁, both A and B become better off
→ all moves from E₃ outward to the frontier are strict Pareto improvements
potential Pareto move
Policy increases total surplus (A + B both increase), but some individuals lose
The effect is big enough that the winners could compensate the losers
important in policy because many real policies create winners and losers even when the overall pie grows
Moves like E₃ → E₁ are strict Pareto improvements because both individuals gain, while moves like E₁ → E₂ are only potential Pareto improvements since one person loses but total surplus increases.
Economic and political thought
Libertarians
respect private property
want minimal government
believe helping others is a personal choice, not government’s role
Market-based, socially concerned
government gives income support or redistributes money
markets handle most other decisions
focus on fairness through redistribution + efficiency through markets
Regulated markets, socially concerned
believe many markets fail or are dominated by big firms
support government regulation plus redistribution
mix of markets with strong government rules
Socialists
think markets often fail
support heavy government involvement
prefer public provision of many goods and strong redistribution

Income density distribution
The #1 determinant of one’s social and economic opportunity is probably the country where one’s born
By being born in the US, on average, one is 20 or 30 times “better” (in terms of per-capita GDP) than by being born elsewhere
Graph:
The U.S. has much of a higher annual income in compared to the world
The tail, the lowest of the distribution also has a huge gap

Intergenerational mobility
Rank elasticity is a measure of intergenerational mobility
It tells us how much children’s income rank tends to move with their parents’ rank
If rank elasticity is high (close to 1) → low mobility: kids usually end up in a similar position to their parents
If rank elasticity is low (close to 0) → high mobility: parents’ income rank doesn’t say much about where kids end up
In the U.S., rank elasticity is fairly high compared to countries like Denmark or Canada, meaning less mobility
A transition matrix (or heat map) shows, for each parent income group, where their children end up in the income distribution as adult
For the U.S., the matrix is darkest along the diagonal, meaning:
Kids from poor families usually stay poor
Kids from rich families usually stay rich
This diagonal pattern shows that the U.S. has strong intergenerational persistence and limited upward mobility, especially from the bottom decile

The Great Gatsby curve
The Great Gatsby Curve shows a positive cross-country relationship between:
Income inequality (e.g., Gini coefficient)
Intergenerational income persistence (e.g., rank-rank elasticity)
In countries with higher inequality, children’s income ranks are more strongly determined by their parents’ income ranks → lower mobility
Interpretation:
When inequality is high, advantages and disadvantages solidify across generations, making it harder for children from low-income families to move up
Conversely, more equal countries tend to exhibit greater intergenerational mobility
The U.S. stands out among developed economies for having both very high inequality and very low mobility, placing it toward the upper-right corner of the curve
Rank elasticity meaning:
Elasticity = 1 → parents’ rank fully predicts children’s rank (perfect persistence)
Elasticity = 0 → parents’ rank has no predictive power (high mobility)

The fading American dream
The “Fading American Dream” refers to the sharp decline in the probability that children will earn more than their parents in adulthood
For those born in 1940, about 92–94% exceeded their parents’ income (even children of high-income parents reached ~88%)
For those born in 1984, this probability fell to ~50%, meaning upward mobility is now essentially a coin flip
Part of the decline is due to slower economic growth in recent decades.
But the drop also reflects a substantial fall in intergenerational mobility itself — where you end up now depends more heavily on where you start
This decline occurs at every parental income level: children from low-, middle-, and high-income families all saw reduced chances of surpassing their parents