Latin to Spanish (Phonology)

0.0(0)
studied byStudied by 1 person
learnLearn
examPractice Test
spaced repetitionSpaced Repetition
heart puzzleMatch
flashcardsFlashcards
Card Sorting

1/113

encourage image

There's no tags or description

Looks like no tags are added yet.

Study Analytics
Name
Mastery
Learn
Test
Matching
Spaced

No study sessions yet.

114 Terms

1
New cards

SICCU [sikːu]

seco (lenition: simplification of geminate /k:/, [seko]])

2
New cards

SECĀRE [seka:re]

segar (lenition: voicing of /k/ and fricatization [seɣaɾ])

3
New cards

NŪBĒS

nubes (lenition: fricatization of /b/, [nuβes])

4
New cards

RĒGĀLE

real (lenition: fricatization of /g/ and loss)

5
New cards

LIGĀRE

liar (lenition: fricatization of /g/ and loss)

6
New cards

DIGITU

dedo (lenition: loss of /g/)

7
New cards

SEDĒRE

seer (lenition: fricatization of /d/ and loss)

8
New cards

PLĀGA

llaga (lenition: fricatization of /g/)

9
New cards

RĒGĪNA

reina (lenition: loss of /g/)

10
New cards

CIBU

cebo (lenition: fricatization of /b/)

11
New cards

CATĒNA

cadena (lenition: voicing of /t/)

12
New cards

MINĀCIA

amenaza (lenition: voicing of /ts/)

13
New cards

PRŌFECTU

provecho (lenition: voicing of /f/)

14
New cards

ROSA

rosa (lenition: voicing of /s/)

15
New cards

CŪPA

cuba (lenition: voicing of /p/)

16
New cards

CUPPA

copa (lenition: simplification of geminates)

17
New cards

URSU

osso (lenition: simplification of geminates)

18
New cards

*PETTIA

pieça (lenition: simplification of geminate /tts/)

19
New cards

SCOFFĪNA

escofina (lenition: simplification of geminates)

20
New cards

FLAMMA

llama (lenition: simplification of geminates)

21
New cards

GUTTA

gota (lenition: simplification of geminates)

22
New cards

CAPRA

cabra (lenition: voicing of /p/)

23
New cards

DUPLU

doble (lenition: voicing of /p/)

24
New cards

ĀFRICU

ábrego (lenition: voicing of /f/)

25
New cards

FOLIA

hoja (palatal consonants: /-lj-/ > [ʎ] (> [ʒ] > [x]))

26
New cards

APICŬLA

abeja (palatal consonants: /-kl-/ > [ʎ] (> [x]))

27
New cards

TĒGŬLA

teja (palatal consonants: /-gl-/ > [ʎ] (> [ʒ] > [ʃ]) > [x]))

28
New cards

PLĀGA

llaga (palatal consonants: /pl-/ > [ʎ] (> [ɟ]))

29
New cards

CLĀMĀRE

llamar (palatal consonants: /kl-/ > [ʎ] (> [ɟ]))

30
New cards

FLAMMA

llama (palatal consonants: /fl-/ > [ʎ] (> [ɟ]))

31
New cards

CABALLU

caballo (palatal consonants: /-lː-/ > [ʎ] (> [ɟ]))

32
New cards

ARĀNEA

araña (palatal consonants: /-nj-/ > [ɲ])

33
New cards

ANNU

año (palatal consonants: /-nː-/ > [ɲ])

34
New cards

PŪGNU

puño (palatal consonants: /-gn-/ > [ɲ])

35
New cards

IAM

ya (palatal consonants: /j-/ > [ɟ])

36
New cards

PODIU

poyo (palatal consonants: /-dj-/ > [ɟ])

37
New cards

EXAGIU

ensayo (palatal consonants: /-gj-/ > [ɟ])

38
New cards

MAIŌRE

mayor (palatal consonants: /-j:-/ > [ɟ])

39
New cards

GENER

yerno (palatal consonants: /gé-/ > [ɟ])

40
New cards

GYPSUM

yeso (palatal consonants: /gí-/ > [ɟ])

41
New cards

HERBA

hierba (palatal consonants: /ɛ́-/ > [ɟ])

42
New cards

FOVEA

hoya (palatal consonants: /-bj-/ > [ɟ])

43
New cards

IŪSTUS

justo (palatal consonants: /j-/ + back vowel > [ʒ] (>[ʃ]) > [x])

44
New cards

FOLIA

hoja (palatal consonants: /-lj-/ > [ʎ] > [ʒ] (>[ʃ]) > [x]))

45
New cards

OCŬLU

ojo (palatal consonants: /-kl-/ > [ʎ] > [ʒ] (>[ʃ]) > [x]))

46
New cards

TĒGŬLA

teja (palatal consonants: /-gl-/ > [ʎ] > [ʒ] (>[ʃ]) > [x]))

47
New cards

AXE

eje (palatal consonants: /-ks-/ >[ʃ] (>[x]))

48
New cards

SĀPŌ

jabón (palatal consonants: /s-/ >[ʃ] (>[x]))

49
New cards

RUSSU

rojo (palatal consonants: /-s:j-/ > [ʃ] (>[x]))

50
New cards

LACTE

leche (palatal consonants: /-kt-/ > [tʃ])

51
New cards

MULTU

mucho (palatal consonants: /-lt-/ > [tʃ])

52
New cards

AMPLU

ancho (palatal consonants: /-pl-/ > [tʃ])

53
New cards

MACŬLA

mancha (palatal consonants: /-kl-/ > [tʃ])

54
New cards

PLUTEU

choza (palatal consonants: /pl-/ > [tʃ])

55
New cards

OCTŌ

ocho (metathesis due to yod 1: /ɔ/ + glide (/i̯/) in same syllable > [o])

56
New cards

LĀICU

lego (metathesis due to yod 1: /a/ + off glide (/i̯/) in same syllable > [e]) (yod 1 affects /a/, /ɛ/, /ɔ/ and /o/, i.e., all possible vowels apart from /e/)

57
New cards

NERVIU

nervio (metathesis due to yod 2: /ɛ/ + intervening consonant(s) + on glide [j] (from earlier /i/ in hiatus) in following syllable) (yod 2 affects /e/, /ɛ/, /ɔ/ and /o/, i.e., all possible vowels apart from /a/)

58
New cards

MĀTERIA

madera (metathesis due to yod 2: /ɛ/ + glide [j] (from /i/ in hiatus) in the following syllable > /e/) (yod 2 affects /e/, /ɛ/, /ɔ/ and /o/, i.e., all possible vowels apart from /a/)

59
New cards

VINDĒMIA

vendimia (metathesis due to yod 2: /e/ + glide [j] (from /i/ in hiatus) in the following syllable > /i/) (yod 2 affects /e/, /ɛ/, /ɔ/ and /o/, i.e., all possible vowels apart from /a/)

60
New cards

PODIU

poyo (metathesis due to yod 3: /ɔ/ + glide (/i̯/) (from earlier [dj]) in following syllable > [o]) (yod 3 affects /ɛ/ and /ɔ/)

61
New cards

FOVEA

hoya (metathesis due to yod 3: /ɔ/ + glide (/i̯/) (from earlier [bj]) in following syllable > [o]) (yod 3 affects /ɛ/ and /ɔ/)

62
New cards

FOLIA

hoja (metathesis due to yod 4: /ɔ/ + [ʎ] (from earlier [lj] > [o])) (yod 4 affects /ɛ/ and /ɔ/)

63
New cards

PUGNU

puño (metathesis due to yod 5: /o/ followed by [ɲ] (from earlier [gn]) > [u]) (yod 5 affects /ɛ/ and /o/)

64
New cards

PARIETE

pared (outcome of hiatus that is not metathesis: loss of weaker vowel in hiatus)

65
New cards

DORSUM

DOSSUM (increase in geminates in Latin: criticized by Appendix Probi)

66
New cards

LANCEA

LANCIA (emergence of the glide: criticized by Appendix Probi)

67
New cards

VĪNEA

VINIA (emergence of the glide: criticized by Appendix Probi)

68
New cards

FĪCU

higo (loss of Latin F-: various theories, e.g. Menéndez Pidal (1964) points to substratum influence exercised by Basque, which lacks the labiodental phoneme /f/, on Cantabrian Latin, but this does not explain why words such as FORTE and FONTE appear in standard Spanish with /f/. Penny favours intra-Latin explanation, suggests that Latin used a bilabial articulation of the labiodental /f-/ ([φ]), but this was replaced by the labiodental /F-/ in Rome and in areas that were in closest contact with Rome. However, the spoken Latin of remoter areas such as Cantabria preserved the bilabial articulation of [φ], which would have been pronounced as [ʍ] (voiceless labio-velar approximant) in front of the glide [w] (hence FORTE > [‘ʍwoɾte] or [‘ʍweɾte]), but is realized as [φ] before non-back vowels, /ɾ/ and /l/ (so FĪCU > [φiko]). The range of allophones is possibly increased early on, with [φ] pronounced as [h] before the back vowels /o/ and /u/ (so FURNU > [hoɾno]). The allophone [h] is then generalized and comes to occur before all syllabic vowels and the on glide [j] (e.g. FERRU > [hjero]). In later Old Spanish, the allophones [φ] and [ʍ] would be modified to labiodental [f] in urban Spanish varieties, possibly because of French and Occitan influence in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Following this change, [h] would appear before syllabic vowels and [j], but [f] would be used before [w] and [ɾ]. The allophones [h] and [f] would eventually be phonologized, although /h/ was disappearing in Old Castile in the later Middle Ages, a pronunciation that would become standard in the sixteenth century. However, the spelling only came to reflect this change in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries)

69
New cards

FĪLIU

hijo (loss of Latin F: various theories, e.g. Menéndez Pidal suggested substratum influence exercised by Basque on Cantabrian Latin, he says that pre-Roman Basque lacks a labiodental phoneme (/f/), so when Basque speakers became bilingual in Latin, they replaced Latin /f/ with the aspirate /h/. However, this theory cannot explain why words such as FORTE and FONTE appear in standard Spanish with /f/. Penny favours an internal Latin explanation, says that a bilabial articulation of /f/ ([ɸ]) used to be normal in Latin but was replaced by labiodental /f/ in Rome and areas in closest contact with Rome. However, in remoter areas such as Cantabria, the bilabial articulation [ɸ] was preserved in initial position. When it preceded the glide [w] (the outcome of diphthongization), it would have been realized as [ʍ], so FORTE > [ʍworte] or [ʍwerte], but when it preceded non-back vowels, the glide [j], /ɾ/ and /l/, it was realized as [ɸ]. Before a syllabic back vowel (so /o/ or /u/), it was realized as [h], e.g. FURNU > [‘hoɾno]. This was the result of dissimilation of bilabial [ɸ] before the labial vowels /o/ and /u/. The allophone [h] was then generalized, coming to occur before all syllabic vowels and the glide [j]. In Later Old Spanish, the allophones [ɸ] and [ʍ] were modief to labiodental [f] in urban varieties, possibly because of influence from speakers of French and Occitan in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, who may have replaced the unfamiliar [ʍ] and [ɸ] with [f], the most similar sound of their native language). Following this change, Latin F- would have been articulated as [h] before syllabic vowels and [j], while it was articulated as [f] before [w] and /ɾ/, giving [fweɾte] and [fɾio]. The two allophones [h] and [f] were eventually phonologized, providing Spanish with two distinct phonemes, /h/ and /f/, although /h/ was being dropped from pronunciation in Old Castile in the later Middle Ages. This /h/-less pronunciation became standard in the sixteenth century. However, the spelling only came to reflect this change in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries)

70
New cards

FARĪNA

harina (loss of Latin F-: various theories, e.g. Menéndez Pidal (1964) points to substratum influence exercised by Basque, which lacks the labiodental phoneme /f/, on Cantabrian Latin, but this does not explain why words such as FONTE and FUERTE appear in standard Spanish with /f/. Penny favours intra-Latin explanation, suggests that Latin used a bilabial articulation of the labiodental /f-/ ([φ]), but this was replaced by the labiodental /F-/ in Rome and in areas that were in closest contact with Rome. However, the spoken Latin of remoter areas such as Cantabria preserved the bilabial articulation of [φ], which would have been pronounced as [ʍ] (voiceless labio-velar approximant) in front of the glide [w] (hence FORTE > [‘ʍwoɾte] or [‘ʍweɾte]), but is realized as [φ] before non-back vowels, /ɾ/ and /l/ (so FĪCU > [φiko]). The range of allophones is possibly increased early on, with [φ] pronounced as [h] before the back vowels /o/ and /u/ (so FURNU > [hoɾno]). The allophone [h] is then generalized and comes to occur before all syllabic vowels and the on glide [j] (e.g. FARĪNA > [haɾina] and FERRU > [hjero]). In later Old Spanish, the allophones [φ] and [ʍ] would be modified to labiodental [f] in urban Spanish varieties, possibly because of French and Occitan influence in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Following this change, [h] would appear before syllabic vowels and [j], but [f] would be used before [w] and [ɾ]. The allophones [h] and [f] would eventually be phonologized, although /h/ was disappearing in Old Castile in the later Middle Ages, a pronunciation that would become standard in the sixteenth century. However, the spelling only came to reflect this change in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. This is arguably a case of phonemic split (where the number of phonemes in a language is increased) in the history of Spanish, as the introduction of borrowings from neighbouring languages and from Latin created the possibility in Spanish of the sequence [f] + full vowel, e.g. FŌRMA was borrowed as [‘foɾma]. From that point on, both [f'] and [h] could occur in the same environment and could therefore serve to distinguish the meanings of separate words (e.g. /’hoɾma/ ‘shoemaker’s last’ and /’foɾma/), at which point the phonemic split was complete)

71
New cards

FORNU

horno (loss of Latin F-: various theories, e.g. Menéndez Pidal (1964) points to substratum influence exercised by Basque, which lacks the labiodental phoneme /f/, on Cantabrian Latin, but this does not explain why words such as FONTE and FUERTE appear in standard Spanish with /f/. Penny favours intra-Latin explanation, suggests that Latin used a bilabial articulation of the labiodental /f-/ ([φ]), but this was replaced by the labiodental /F-/ in Rome and in areas that were in closest contact with Rome. However, the spoken Latin of remoter areas such as Cantabria preserved the bilabial articulation of [φ], which would have been pronounced as [ʍ] (voiceless labio-velar approximant) in front of the glide [w] (hence FORTE > [‘ʍwoɾte] or [‘ʍweɾte]), but is realized as [φ] before non-back vowels, /ɾ/ and /l/ (so FĪCU > [φiko]). The range of allophones is possibly increased early on, with [φ] pronounced as [h] before the back vowels /o/ and /u/ (so FURNU > [hoɾno]). The allophone [h] is then generalized and comes to occur before all syllabic vowels and the on glide [j] (e.g. FARĪNA > [haɾina] and FERRU > [hjero]). In later Old Spanish, the allophones [φ] and [ʍ] would be modified to labiodental [f] in urban Spanish varieties, possibly because of French and Occitan influence in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Following this change, [h] would appear before syllabic vowels and [j], but [f] would be used before [w] and [ɾ]. The allophones [h] and [f] would eventually be phonologized, although /h/ was disappearing in Old Castile in the later Middle Ages, a pronunciation that would become standard in the sixteenth century. However, the spelling only came to reflect this change in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries)

72
New cards

FĪLU

hijo (loss of Latin F-: various theories, e.g. Menéndez Pidal (1964) points to substratum influence exercised by Basque, which lacks the labiodental phoneme /f/, on Cantabrian Latin, but this does not explain why words such as FONTE and FUERTE appear in standard Spanish with /f/. Penny favours intra-Latin explanation, suggests that Latin used a bilabial articulation of the labiodental /f-/ ([φ]), but this was replaced by the labiodental /F-/ in Rome and in areas that were in closest contact with Rome. However, the spoken Latin of remoter areas such as Cantabria preserved the bilabial articulation of [φ], which would have been pronounced as [ʍ] (voiceless labio-velar approximant) in front of the glide [w] (hence FORTE > [‘ʍwoɾte] or [‘ʍweɾte]), but is realized as [φ] before non-back vowels, /ɾ/ and /l/ (so FĪCU > [φiko]). The range of allophones is possibly increased early on, with [φ] pronounced as [h] before the back vowels /o/ and /u/ (so FURNU > [hoɾno]). The allophone [h] is then generalized and comes to occur before all syllabic vowels and the on glide [j] (e.g. FARĪNA > [haɾina] and FERRU > [hjero]). In later Old Spanish, the allophones [φ] and [ʍ] would be modified to labiodental [f] in urban Spanish varieties, possibly because of French and Occitan influence in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Following this change, [h] would appear before syllabic vowels and [j], but [f] would be used before [w] and [ɾ]. The allophones [h] and [f] would eventually be phonologized, although /h/ was disappearing in Old Castile in the later Middle Ages, a pronunciation that would become standard in the sixteenth century. However, the spelling only came to reflect this change in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries)

73
New cards

FORTE

fuerte (loss of Latin F-: various theories, e.g. Menéndez Pidal (1964) points to substratum influence exercised by Basque, which lacks the labiodental phoneme /f/, on Cantabrian Latin, but this does not explain why words such as FONTE and FUERTE appear in standard Spanish with /f/. Penny favours intra-Latin explanation, suggests that Latin used a bilabial articulation of the labiodental /f-/ ([φ]), but this was replaced by the labiodental /F-/ in Rome and in areas that were in closest contact with Rome. However, the spoken Latin of remoter areas such as Cantabria preserved the bilabial articulation of [φ], which would have been pronounced as [ʍ] (voiceless labio-velar approximant) in front of the glide [w] (hence FORTE > [‘ʍwoɾte] or [‘ʍweɾte]), but is realized as [φ] before non-back vowels, /ɾ/ and /l/ (so FĪCU > [φiko]). The range of allophones is possibly increased early on, with [φ] pronounced as [h] before the back vowels /o/ and /u/ (so FURNU > [hoɾno]). The allophone [h] is then generalized and comes to occur before all syllabic vowels and the on glide [j] (e.g. FARĪNA > [haɾina] and FERRU > [hjero]). In later Old Spanish, the allophones [φ] and [ʍ] would be modified to labiodental [f] in urban Spanish varieties, possibly because of French and Occitan influence in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Following this change, [h] would appear before syllabic vowels and [j], but [f] would be used before [w] and [ɾ]. The allophones [h] and [f] would eventually be phonologized, although /h/ was disappearing in Old Castile in the later Middle Ages, a pronunciation that would become standard in the sixteenth century. However, the spelling only came to reflect this change in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries)

74
New cards

FONTE

fuente (loss of Latin F-: various theories, e.g. Menéndez Pidal (1964) points to substratum influence exercised by Basque, which lacks the labiodental phoneme /f/, on Cantabrian Latin, but this does not explain why words such as FONTE and FUERTE appear in standard Spanish with /f/. Penny favours intra-Latin explanation, suggests that Latin used a bilabial articulation of the labiodental /f-/ ([φ]), but this was replaced by the labiodental /F-/ in Rome and in areas that were in closest contact with Rome. However, the spoken Latin of remoter areas such as Cantabria preserved the bilabial articulation of [φ], which would have been pronounced as [ʍ] (voiceless labio-velar approximant) in front of the glide [w] (hence FORTE > [‘ʍwoɾte] or [‘ʍweɾte]), but is realized as [φ] before non-back vowels, /ɾ/ and /l/ (so FĪCU > [φiko]). The range of allophones is possibly increased early on, with [φ] pronounced as [h] before the back vowels /o/ and /u/ (so FURNU > [hoɾno]). The allophone [h] is then generalized and comes to occur before all syllabic vowels and the on glide [j] (e.g. FARĪNA > [haɾina] and FERRU > [hjero]). In later Old Spanish, the allophones [φ] and [ʍ] would be modified to labiodental [f] in urban Spanish varieties, possibly because of French and Occitan influence in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Following this change, [h] would appear before syllabic vowels and [j], but [f] would be used before [w] and [ɾ]. The allophones [h] and [f] would eventually be phonologized, although /h/ was disappearing in Old Castile in the later Middle Ages, a pronunciation that would become standard in the sixteenth century. However, the spelling only came to reflect this change in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries)

75
New cards

FRONTE

(loss of Latin F-: various theories, e.g. Menéndez Pidal (1964) points to substratum influence exercised by Basque, which lacks the labiodental phoneme /f/, on Cantabrian Latin, but this does not explain why words such as FONTE and FUERTE appear in standard Spanish with /f/. Penny favours intra-Latin explanation, suggests that Latin used a bilabial articulation of the labiodental /f-/ ([φ]), but this was replaced by the labiodental /F-/ in Rome and in areas that were in closest contact with Rome. However, the spoken Latin of remoter areas such as Cantabria preserved the bilabial articulation of [φ], which would have been pronounced as [ʍ] (voiceless labio-velar approximant) in front of the glide [w] (hence FORTE > [‘ʍwoɾte] or [‘ʍweɾte]), but is realized as [φ] before non-back vowels, /ɾ/ and /l/ (so FĪCU > [φiko]). The range of allophones is possibly increased early on, with [φ] pronounced as [h] before the back vowels /o/ and /u/ (so FURNU > [hoɾno]). The allophone [h] is then generalized and comes to occur before all syllabic vowels and the on glide [j] (e.g. FARĪNA > [haɾina] and FERRU > [hjero]). In later Old Spanish, the allophones [φ] and [ʍ] would be modified to labiodental [f] in urban Spanish varieties, possibly because of French and Occitan influence in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Following this change, [h] would appear before syllabic vowels and [j], but [f] would be used before [w] and [ɾ]. The allophones [h] and [f] would eventually be phonologized, although /h/ was disappearing in Old Castile in the later Middle Ages, a pronunciation that would become standard in the sixteenth century. However, the spelling only came to reflect this change in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries)

76
New cards

DĒFĒNSA

dehesa (loss of Latin F-: various theories, e.g. Menéndez Pidal (1964) points to substratum influence exercised by Basque, which lacks the labiodental phoneme /f/, on Cantabrian Latin, but this does not explain why words such as FONTE and FUERTE appear in standard Spanish with /f/. Penny favours intra-Latin explanation, suggests that Latin used a bilabial articulation of the labiodental /f-/ ([φ]), but this was replaced by the labiodental /F-/ in Rome and in areas that were in closest contact with Rome. However, the spoken Latin of remoter areas such as Cantabria preserved the bilabial articulation of [φ], which would have been pronounced as [ʍ] (voiceless labio-velar approximant) in front of the glide [w] (hence FORTE > [‘ʍwoɾte] or [‘ʍweɾte]), but is realized as [φ] before non-back vowels, /ɾ/ and /l/ (so FĪCU > [φiko]). The range of allophones is possibly increased early on, with [φ] pronounced as [h] before the back vowels /o/ and /u/ (so FURNU > [hoɾno]). The allophone [h] is then generalized and comes to occur before all syllabic vowels and the on glide [j] (e.g. FARĪNA > [haɾina] and FERRU > [hjero]). In later Old Spanish, the allophones [φ] and [ʍ] would be modified to labiodental [f] in urban Spanish varieties, possibly because of French and Occitan influence in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Following this change, [h] would appear before syllabic vowels and [j], but [f] would be used before [w] and [ɾ]. The allophones [h] and [f] would eventually be phonologized, although /h/ was disappearing in Old Castile in the later Middle Ages, a pronunciation that would become standard in the sixteenth century. However, the spelling only came to reflect this change in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. Intervocalic -F- is uncommon in Latin, but when it is perceived as syllable-initial (as in DĒ-FĒNSA) it undergoes the generalization to [h])

77
New cards

CAPIT

cabe (merger (i.e. the neutralization of originally distinct phonemes until there are no phonetic environments in which the two units remain distinct) of /b/ and /β/: third-person present indicative of caber (>CAPĔRE). In intervocalic position, there was without question a contrast between these two phonemes in Old Spanish (we know this because of the relative consistency of spelling in Old Spanish and rhyme in Old Spanish verse), so in Old Spanish cabe is pronounced [kabe]. However, the contrast between initial /b/ and /β/ was probably neutralized by the 14th century in all environments. In later Old Spanish intervocalic and post-vocalic /b/ underwent fricatization to /β/ (>[kaβe]), and thus this contrast was neutralized in intervocalic position)

78
New cards

CAVET

cave (merger of /b/ and /β/: third-person present subjunctive of cavar (>CAVĀRE).In intervocalic position, there was without question a contrast between these two phonemes in Old Spanish (we know this because of the relative consistency of spelling in Old Spanish and rhyme in Old Spanish verse), so in Old Spanish cave is pronounced [kaβe]. However, the contrast between initial /b/ and /β/ was probably neutralized by the 14th century in all environments. In later Old Spanish intervocalic and post-vocalic /b/ underwent fricatization to /β/ (>[kaβe]), and thus this contrast was neutralized in intervocalic position as well)

79
New cards

BENE

bienes (merger of /b/ and /β/: it is likely that the contrast between /b/ and /β/ applied in initial position as well as in intervocalic position, at least when the word was preceded by a vowel or by certain consonants. So in Old Spanish bienes is pronounced [bjenes] (as opposed to vienes (<VENĪS), which is pronounced [βjenes]). However confusion of spelling in consonant clusters and in initial position (e.g. in the PMC) suggests neutralization, and this took a further step when /b/ took on a fricative articulation in many environments (but especially when preceded by a vowel). By the end of the fourteenth century, initial /b/ and /β/ were probably neutralized in all environments (however, the phonemic contrast survived in intervocalic position until the fifteenth century))

80
New cards

VENĪS

vienes (merger of /b/ and /β/: second-person present indicative. It is likely that the contrast between /b/ and /β/ applied in initial position as well as in intervocalic position, at least when the word was preceded by a vowel or by certain consonants. So in Old Spanish vienes is pronounced [βjenes] (as opposed to bienes (from BENE), which is pronounced [bjenes]). However confusion of spelling in consonant clusters and in initial position (e.g. in the PMC) suggests neutralization, and this took a further step when /b/ took on a fricative articulation in many environments (but especially when preceded by a vowel). By the end of the fourteenth century, initial /b/ and /β/ were probably neutralized in all environments (however, the phonemic contrast survived in intervocalic position until the fifteenth century))

81
New cards

AD RĪPAM

arriba (merger of /b/ and /β/: by the fifteenth century, some poets allow words like arriba to rhyme with viva (from VIVĀ), meaning that the merger has been completed)

82
New cards

VIVĀ

viva (merger of /b/ and /β/: by the fifteenth century, some poets allow words like viva to rhyme with arriba (from AD RĪPAM) , meaning that the merger has been completed)

83
New cards

SUĀVIS

suave (merger of /b/ and /β/: by the fifteenth century, some poets allow words like suave to rhyme with cabe (from CAPIT) , meaning that the merger has been completed)

84
New cards

DĪCĔRE

dezir (readjustment of the sibilants: [dedʒiɾ], where /dʒ/ represents the voiced dento-alveolar affricate which is the product of Latin /k/ + front vowel (having undergone voicing). However, /dʒ/ was weakened to the voiced dental fricative [z̪] by the end of the Middle Ages, and, by the late sixteenth century, the phonemes /z̪/ and /s̪/ merged in /s̪/, i.e. the voiceless phoneme (>[des̪iɾ]). Later (around this time) the functional load placed on the contrast of locus between /s̪/, /s/ and /ʃ/ means that /s̪/ is moved forwards (i.e. away from alveolar /s/) and becomes interdental /θ/ (>[deθiɾ]))

85
New cards

CAPTĀRE (*CAPTIĀRE)

caçar (readjustment of the sibilants: [katsaɾ], where /ts/ represents the voiceless dento-alveolar affricate which is the product of Latin /k/ + [j]. However, /ts/ was weakened to the voiceless dental fricative [s̪] by the end of the Middle Ages. Later (around the late sixteenth century) /s̪/ was moved forwards (to increase the contrast with alveolar /s/) and became interdental /θ/ ([kaθa]))

86
New cards

PASSUS

passo (readjustment of the sibilants: [paso] in Old Spanish, after simplification of the Latin geminate /s:/ (>paso))

87
New cards

CASA

casa (readjustment of the sibilants: [kaza] in Old Spanish, where /z/ represents the voiced alveolar fricative. However, by the late sixteenth century, the phonemes /z/ and /s/ had merged in favour of /s/, i.e. /z/ was devoiced (so > [kasa]))

88
New cards

CAPSA

caxa (readjustment of the sibilants: [kaʃa] in Old Spanish (change of -PS- > /ʃ/ is not common in Castilian, but may be attributed to Catalan or Occitan influence (as the change is usual in these languages)), where /ʃ/ represents the voiceless prepalatal fricative. However, around the late sixteenth century /ʃ/ was moved backwards (i.e. away from alveolar /s/) to become velar /x/ (>[kaxa]))

89
New cards

MULIER

muger (readjustment of the sibilants: [muʒeɾ] in Old Spanish, where /ʒ/ represents the voiced prepalatal fricative, here the product of /l/ + [j].

90
New cards

PŪGNU

puño (learned consonant groups: GN > /ɲ/, meaning that GN was impermissible by the later Middle Ages (as velar consonants were impermissible in final position))

91
New cards

IPSA

essa (>esa) (learned consonant groups: PS > /s/, meaning that PS was impermissible by the later Middle Ages (as /p/ was impermissible in final position))

92
New cards

APTĀRE

atar (learned consonant groups: PT > /t/, meaning that PT was impermissible by the later Middle Ages)

93
New cards

SCAMNU

escaño (learned consonant groups: MN > /ɲ/, meaning that MN was impermissible by the later Middle Ages (as syllable-final /m/ could not occur before /n/))

94
New cards

DĪXĪ

dixe (>dije) (learned consonant groups: X > /ʃ/, meaning that X was impermissible by the later Middle Ages (as velars such as /k/ could not occur before in syllable-final position))

95
New cards

FACTU

hecho (learned consonant groups: CT > /tʃ/, meaning that CT was impermissible by the later Middle Ages (as velars such as /k/ could not occur before in syllable-final position))

96
New cards

CAPITĀLIS

cabdal/caudal (learned consonant groups: in the late Middle Ages, syllable-final /b/ did occur in some words, but only before /d/, and it was already being modified to the glide [u̯] or being omitted (latter as in dubda > duda))

97
New cards

EFFECTU

efeto/efecto (learned consonant groups: alternating forms in the Middle Ages, one where the first consonant is lost, a second where both consonants are pronounced, thus introducing new phonotactic possibilities to Spanish. This variety of forms was eventually resolved (by the RAE in the late 18th century) in favour of the full, i.e. more Latinate, forms, meaning that the phonology of Spanish had come to accept syllable-final /k/)

98
New cards

LĒCTIŌNE

lición/lección (learned consonant groups: alternating forms in the Middle Ages, one where the second consonant is lost, a second where both consonants are pronounced, thus introducing new phonotactic possibilities to Spanish. This variety of forms was eventually resolved (by the RAE in the late 18th century) in favour of the full, i.e. more Latinate, forms, meaning that the phonology of Spanish had come to accept syllable-final /k/)

99
New cards

SIGNIFICĀRE

sinificar/significar (learned consonant groups: alternating forms in the Middle Ages, one where the first consonant is lost, a second where both consonants are pronounced, thus introducing new phonotactic possibilities to Spanish. This variety of forms was eventually resolved (by the RAE in the late 18th century) in favour of the full, i.e. more Latinate, forms, meaning that the phonology of Spanish had come to accept syllable-final /g/)

100
New cards

EXCELLENTE

ecelente/excelente (learned consonant groups: alternating forms in the Middle Ages, one where the first consonant is lost, a second where both consonants are pronounced, thus introducing new phonotactic possibilities to Spanish. This variety of forms was eventually resolved (by the RAE in the late 18th century) in favour of the full, i.e. more Latinate, forms, meaning that the phonology of Spanish had come to accept syllable-final /k/)