CARS VOL2 passage 20 106-110

First of all, with respect to pushing formal instruction into kindergarten, some cross-cultural data is instructive. In Denmark, formal reading instruction is not introduced until the second grade. Before that, children have a rich exploratory and manipulative language experience; they are read to and talked to, encouraged to dictate their own stories and learn sight words. Denmark has almost 100 percent literacy.

In France, there is a state-mandated reading program that is begun in kindergarten. French children are thus exposed to formal instruction in reading at age five. In contrast to Denmark, France has some 30 percent of children with reading problems. In Japan, formal instruction in reading is also begun early, but there are fewer reading problems than in France because spelling is phonetic and thus eliminates some of the logical difficulties inherent in languages without totally phonetic spelling systems, such as French and English. In a phonetic language, each symbol has only one sound attached to it, and thus learning this language is easier than learning a language where the same sound can be represented by different letters and the same letter can represent different sounds. In a sense, a phonetic language is to a nonphonetic, or only partially phonetic, language what a digital clock is to a regular clock face . . .

There is also evidence that individual children who are exposed to formal instruction (symbolic and derived learning) too early experience both short-term and long-term negative effects. A number of studies have found that children who enter kindergarten before the age of five are more likely to do poorly academically and to drop out of high school than children who are older than age five when they enter kindergarten.

In a recent doctoral dissertation, McCarty examined the effects of promoting and not promoting developmentally young . . . kindergarten children. Her study is one of the few to look at the effects of nonpromotion over a long time interval. McCarty found that after eight years the nonpromoted youngsters were significantly ahead of the promoted in peer acceptance, classroom adjustment, and academic achievement. It is reasonable to assume that the nonpromoted had acquired a healthier sense of industry than the promoted. Again, this is attributable to the exposure of the promoted youngsters to formal instruction before they left the manipulative and fundamental learning mode.

There is growing evidence that while symbolic and derived instruction has positive short-term effects, it may also have negative long-term results. In one of the most carefully conducted experiments of its kind, "The Louisville experiment 1983,” the investigators compared the short- and long-term effects of four different preschool programs. Two programs used didactic (symbolic-derived) curricula, whereas the other two employed age-appropriate (manipulative-fundamental) materials. Although the children who participated in the didactic programs made short-term gains, these were not maintained. When the children were followed up at eighth grade, boys from the age-appropriate programs had a twelve-month advantage in reading and a ten-month advantage in math compared to boys from the didactic programs. The effects were not the same for girls; by eighth grade, girls from the didactic programs performed slightly better in both reading and math than did girls from age-appropriate programs. For boys in particular, then, the immediate gains of didactic programs are apparently purchased at the price of long-term losses.

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In the follow-up of the Louisville study, girls from formal preschool programs were slightly ahead of girls from manipulative preschool programs. Given the information contained in the passage, one can reasonably conclude that:

1. all girls benefit from early formal education.

2. early formal instruction benefits many children and should be universally applied.

3. although formal preschool education appears to benefit girls slightly, the amount is minimal, and concerns such as total literacy levels and other educational goals should take precedence

A

II only

B

III only

C

I and II only

D

I, II, and III

Solution: The correct answer is B.

1. Option II is incorrect because the study results mentioned in the question applies to girls only, and this option refers to “children” in general—it is, therefore, too broad.

2. Option III says that formal preschool education appears to benefit girls slightly and calls the amount “minimal”—which is the case: “girls from formal preschool programs were slightly ahead . . .”. As for total literacy and other educational goals taking precedence, the Louisville study doesn’t clearly support this, but the passage does. Paragraphs 3 and 4 refer to general academic performance in a way that suggests it is important.

3. Option I is incorrect because it says “all girls benefit from early formal education” but the study mentioned did not measure all girls—it is, therefore, an overgeneralization. Option II is incorrect because the study results mentioned in the question applies to girls only and this option refers to “children” in general—it is, therefore, too broad.

4. Option III is the only correct option. Therefore, this answer is incorrect.

The example concerning digital and regular clocks (end of paragraph 2) suggests that:

A

digital clocks are easier to read and phonetic languages are easier to learn.

B

regular clocks are easier to read and phonetic languages are easier to learn.

Answer choice eliminated

C

digital clocks are easier to read and nonphonetic languages are easier to learn.

Answer choice eliminated

D

regular clocks are easier to read and nonphonetic languages are easier to learn.

Solution: The correct answer is A.

1. “In a phonetic language . . . thus learning this language is easier” (paragraph 2) establishes that phonetic language is easier to learn and ” . . . a phonetic language is to a nonphonetic . . . language what a digital clock is to a regular clockface” (paragraph 2) sets up a parallel between digital and phonetic. It follows that “digital clocks [would be] easier to read”.

2. The first part of this option is incorrect. Digital clocks, like phonetic languages, are easier to read, according to the passage.

3. The second part of this option is incorrect. Phonetic languages are easier to read, according to the passage.

4. Both parts of this option are incorrect. Digital clocks are easier to read and nonphonetic languages are easier to learn, according to the passage.

The studies mentioned in the passage are particularly important for curriculum development primarily because they:

A

deal with the right age to begin kindergarten.

B

show the long-term results of different educational policies.

C

are solely concerned with the critical early years of education.

D

use cross-cultural data to arrive at similar conclusions.

Solution: The correct answer is B.

1. Although the studies mentioned indicate that it is better to begin kindergarten after, rather than before, the age of five (paragraph 3), there is no indication of what is precisely “the right age.”

2. The Louisville study shows long-term results (“followed up at eighth grade . . .”), and so does the McCarty research (“after eight years . . .”). The evidence mentioned in paragraph 3 also refers to long-term effects.

3. Incorrect because both The Louisville study and the McCarty research show that the studies mentioned in the passage are not solely concerned with the critical early years but deal with long-term results.

4. Although the France and Denmark data support the same conclusion (early exposure to formal reading instruction is not a good idea), the Japan data undermine this. Therefore it is incorrect that cross-cultural data led to “similar conclusions.”

the central thrust of this passage is that:

A

the connection between early education and literacy has been fully explored.

B

reading instruction formalized at too early an age can produce negative effects.

C

literacy cannot be attained through a single approach.

D

literacy can be achieved at a very early age.

Solution: The correct answer is B.

1. The last paragraph opens with reference to “growing evidence” which does not suggest that the connection has been “fully explored”, nor is the extent of exploration the central thrust of the passage.

2. This statement is supported by information presented in paragraphs, 1-4.

3. Although the passage refers to two approaches, one approach leads to success, whereas the other (formal instruction, especially early on) does not, making this option incorrect.

4. Although it is true that the data from Japan supports this, Japan is not even mentioned in four of the five paragraphs and this topic is not the central thrust of the passage.

got incorrect but the passage does spend most of its run arguing that formal learning introduced too early has consequences for future learning outcomes 

Based on the passage, symbolic and derived learning is learning that is based on:

A

nonphonetic languages.

B

kindergarten-level materials.

Answer choice eliminated

C

formal instruction with reading and numerical materials.

D

drawings, paintings, and other visual materials.

Solution: The correct answer is C.

1. There is no association made in the passage between symbolic and derived learning, on the one hand, and nonphonetic languages, on the other.

2. The association between formal instruction and symbolic and derived learning (paragraph 3) combined with mention of formal instruction in second grade (paragraph 1) makes this option incorrect.

3. “. . . children who are exposed to formal instruction (symbolic and derived learning) . . .” (paragraph 3) supports the first part of this option; the second part can be inferred from mention in the last paragraph of reading and math.

4. There is no mention of “drawings, paintings, and other visual materials” in the passage, let alone in association with “symbolic and derived learning”.