topic 9 - prosocial behaviour

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prosocial, helping and altruistic behaviour

  • three key dimensions

    • intentionality (Batson & Powell, 2003)

      • prosocial behaviour encompasses actions intended to benefit others

      • most definitions emphasise that both prosocial and altruistic behaviours reflect positive social actions aimed at promoting the welfare of others

      • multiple definitions emphasise the intentional nature of prosocial behaviour

    • costs and benefits (Schroeder & Graziano, 2015)

      • any action that benefits others

      • what matter is positive impact - intended or not

      • altruism - actions incurring cost to actor while benefitting recipient - altruistic behaviour inherently costly

    • social context

      • actions valued by society

      • societal approval

      • can include actions that do not benefit others but are socially approved

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motives in prosocial behaviour

  • egoistic motives

    • underlying motivation might be self-serving outcome can still benefit community

    • social recognition gained may encourage further prosocial behaviour

    • cycle of positive impact

  • empathetic motives

    • when experiencing compassion we are more inclined to engage in acts of kindness

    • deeply rooted in wanting to alleviate suffering of others and promoting well-being

    • lead to genuine connections - community support and cohesion

  • moral values

    • principal forms of prosocial behaviour

    • actions guided by commitment of what one thinks is right regardless of personal gain

    • moral compass not only inspires own actions but can also motivate others to follow suit - ripple effect of positive change

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evolutionary perspective on PB

  • the role of intention

    • largely irrelevant in evolutionary definitions of altruism - focus on general biological principles

  • reputation and social dynamics

    • altruistic behaviours can enhance reputation within social group - increased reproductive success

    • individuals more likely to engage in PB when they feel/think they are observed

  • psychological motivations

  • fitness costs

    • altruism - actions that benefits others at the cost of oneself

    • long term evolutionary implications for reproduction and survival

  • kin selection (Hamilton, 1964)

    • does not incur costs in the same way altruistic behaviours might be perceived

    • genetic advantages of aiding relatives - investment in genetic legacy

    • evolutionary pressures shape actions that appear altruistic but are rooted in genetic self-interest

  • for many species cooperative actions arise from instinct rather than conscious choice - untypically classified as prosocial in human sense

  • humans naturally predisposed to help others - need for connection and cooperation

  • relationships = community and support

    • increases likelihood of PB

  • reciprocal helping - norm of reciprocity

    • encourages individuals to assist one another

    • enhances trust and collaboration

    • investing in reciprocal relationships = boost chances of receiving help in return → supportive network

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biological basis of helping

  • identical twins show higher correlation (r = .62) in prosocial behaviour compared to fraternal twins (r = .40) - highlighting genetic influences

  • how much altruism is inherited vs. learned - identical environment between twins

  • infant preferences (Hamlin et al., 2007, 2010)

    • even infants as young as three months prefer helpful over hurtful individuals

    • preference indicates that foundations of morality may be somewhat innate rather than product of socialisation

  • toddler altruism (Warneken & Tomasello, 2006)

    • children as young as two distinguish between accidental and intentional actions in helping

    • ability to asses intentions reveals sophisticated level of moral reasoning - remarkable for a young age

    • toddlers are active participants in moral development

    • altruism may be part of our natural development

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learning to be prosocial

  • parenting practices

    • positive parenting predicts greater prosocial tendencies, independent of genetic factors (Knafo & Plomin, 2006)

    • interactions between parents and children can influence inclination to help others

    • nurturing environments → more likely to develop empathy

  • learning theory: development of prosocial behaviour in three stages:

    • helping for self-gain (instrumental rewards)

      • help others gain something for themselves

    • helping for social rewards (approval)

      • begin to understand value of social approval

      • motivated by desire of social reward

      • being helpful can lead to positive feedback from others

      • social context of helping

    • helping due to internalised values (moral principles)

      • internalised values and moral principles

      • help others because they believe it is the right thing to do

      • helping becomes intrinsic part of identity

  • interactions + experiences teach us to be altruistic

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role of media

  • engaging with prosocial content increases PB over time

    • increase mediated by empathy

      • ability to understand and respond to the emotional state of others

  • implications - media acts as a "teacher" influencing personality traits and behaviours over time

    • potential to cultivate empathy and cooperative behaviour

    • can leverage social media in educational developmental contexts to promote positive social interactions and foster more empathetic societies

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social exchange theory - Thibault and Kelley

  • helping decisions based on cost-benefit analyses

    • people make decisions by weighing up costs against anticipated reward

    • nature of altruism - truly selfless or driven by underlying self-interest

    • willingness to help can fluctuate depending on relative importance of costs and rewards in different contexts/situations

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Good Samaritans study

  • findings:

    • ill victims helped more frequently (95%) and faster than drunk victims (50%)

      • higher costs - disgust/potential harm

    • slight preference for same-race helping, especially for drunk victims

      • subtle biases

    • no diffusion of responsibility observed - larger groups facilitated faster help

      • heightened emotional arousal

    • delayed help increased bystander discomfort and area exits

    • passengers more likely to leave critical area during drunk trials or if help was delayed

    • comments reflected discomfort and rationalising inaction - social dynamics

  • cost-reward model proposed

    • bystanders assess cost against rewards when deciding whether to intervene

  • emotional arousal caused by witnessing an emergency drove behaviour - responses aimed at diminishing the discomfort

  • complexity of real-life interactions

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empathy-altruism hypothesis

  • key components: empathic concerns and altruistic motivation

    • feel a deep urge to help someone in distress even when it might cost us something

    • feelings of empathic concern can illicit genuine altruistic motivations

    • goal - alleviate suffering rather than achieve self-serving gains

    • concern focused on welfare on others rather than own distress

    • prompts us to act in other’s best interests

    • altruistic motivation - helping behaviour driven by genuine desire to improve well-being of person in need

      • prioritises need of others above any personal gain

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social and emotional triggers of helping pt.1

  • similarity and prejudice

    • racial biases affect helping behaviour, especially in high-emergency situations

  • emergency severity and bias

    • increased urgency leads to slower response times and reduced help for Black victims, highlighting the impact of aversive racism and arousal-cost-reward models

    • participants placed in staged emergencies - measured quantity and speed of help to black vs. white victims

    • findings - as level of emergency increased the speed and quality of help offered by white participants to black victims decreased relative to their help for white victims

    • white helpers experienced high levels of aversion - directly correlated with slower response times

    • the more urgent the situation the more pronounced the bias became

    • white participants often interpreted emergencies involving black victims as less severe - felt less responsible to help

    • consistent across multiple studies

  • rationalizing discrimination

    • helpers are less likely to assist Black victims when they can justify non-helping with non-racial factors, especially in demanding or high-risk situations

    • more pronounced in higher emergency situations

      • when ability to control prejudiced responses is inhibited biases can emerge

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social and emotional triggers of helping pt.2

  • empathy gap (Bohns and Flynn, 2015; Arceneaux, 2017)

    • occurs when people underestimate the pain and suffering of others - reduced empathetic responses

    • often arises from misunderstanding or misinterpretation of perspectives which can prevent effective cooperation and reduce helping behaviour

    • especially pronounced when victims seem distant or difference to us

    • perceived group differences can exacerbate these empathy gaps especially towards out-group members

  • causal attributions (Betancourt, 1990)

    • when someone believes an individual is personally responsible for their suffering it can lower feelings of empathy and the likelihood of helping

    • our beliefs about the causes of suffering can directly influence willingness to help

    • attribution biases can further hinder empathy - framed suffering as self-inflicted

      • especially when observer maintains an objective stance rather than an empathetic perspective

  • emotions (Stocks et al., 2009)

    • guilt can increase likelihood of helping

    • communal orientation fosters prosocial tendencies - prioritise need of community and relationship

  • gratitude (Wilhelm & Bekkers, 2006)

    • when recipients express gratitude it encourages repeat of helping behaviour

      • positive feedback loop

      • strengthens social bonds

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priming PB

  • specific cues and contexts can enhance our inclination to engage in altruistic actions

  • prosocial behaviour and positive affect reinforce each other (Aknin et al., 2018; Snippe et al., 2018)

    • positive feedback loop - good mood boost willingness to help others k

  • priming mortality increase charitable giving (Jonas et al., 2002)

    • contribute to something larger than themselves - positive legacy

  • religious values complicate our understanding of prosocial behaviour - religious beliefs can inspire acts of kindness they also influence who we help and why

    • in-group bias (Saroglou et al., 2005) favouring in-group members

      • more inclined to help those within their faith community

      • limit scope of PB

      • preferential treatment rather than universal commitment to helping

    • methodological issues

      • self-reports suggest religious individuals as more prosocial

      • behavioural and experimental methods give a more nuanced and complex picture → main effects attributed to religious processes can be explained by general psychological factors

    • contextual factors (e.g. Stavrova & Siegers, 2014)

      • social reinforcement of religiosity can influence the relationship between religion and PB

      • 2014 study - in countries with low social enforcement religious individuals were more likely to engage in PB

      • societal context can either enhance or inhibit expression of PB among religious and non-religious individuals

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why do people fail to help

  • diffusion of responsibility hypothesis

    • presence of multiple bystanders diffuses individual responsibility → when more people are present each person feels less compelled to step in assuming someone else will

  • inaction also explained by emotional conflict - wanting to help vs. fear of making a mistake

    • can paralyse decision making in critical moments

  • presence not characteristics of other bystanders affects response

    • psychological barriers to others

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key studies

  • Darley and Latané - simulated seizure

  • Darley and Latané - white smoke

  • Darley and Batson - religious talking giving

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evidence for bystander effect

  • the bystander effect is strongest in ambiguous or low-danger situations

    • uncertain about necessity of intervention - diffusion of responsibility

    • uncertainty translates to inaction → people look to others for how to respond

  • in high-danger situations, bystanders are more likely to act, as the need for help becomes clearer

    • immediate bystanders are more likely to act decisively

    • clear threat distinguished = heightened sense of urgency → can override inhibiting effects typically associated with presence of others

  • certain factors can mitigate bystander effect

    • presence of a perpetrator/expectation of physical danger can lead to increased helping behaviour - bystanders may view each other as potential allies → collective responsibility

      • transform dynamics of situation

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implicit bystander effect

  • Garcia et al. (2002) - demonstrated that merely thinking about being in a group reduced personal accountability and can influence help and behaviours in unrelated tasks

  • merely imagining presence of others can lead to decreased helping behaviour even when those imagined others cannot assist - activates diffusion of responsibility

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bystander intervention model

  • social cues can often influence ambiguity of a situation

    • eg. reactions of others

  • need to recognise that inaction of others may be because of uncertainty rather than accurate judgment of the situation

  • high risk situations often reduce intervention unless danger is severe and unambiguous

  • helping is not an automatic response - must navigate each step

    • barriers at any stage can prevent intervention

  • by understanding steps we can develop better strategies to encourage prosocial behaviour and ensure that more people get the help they need

<ul><li><p>social cues can often influence ambiguity of a situation</p><ul><li><p>eg. reactions of others</p></li></ul></li><li><p>need to recognise that inaction of others may be because of uncertainty rather than accurate judgment of the situation</p></li><li><p>high risk situations often reduce intervention unless danger is severe and unambiguous</p></li><li><p>helping is not an automatic response - must navigate each step</p><ul><li><p>barriers at any stage can prevent intervention</p></li></ul></li><li><p>by understanding steps we can develop better strategies to encourage prosocial behaviour and ensure that more people get the help they need</p></li></ul><p></p>
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altruistic personality

  • rationale - while many people engaged in helping behaviours these actions are not always consistent across personalities or situations

    • sought to clarify whether individual traits indicative of altruistic personality reliably predicted helping behaviour

  • explore personality-situation interactions to influence helping behaviours

  • address conflicting findings - altruism in easy to escape scenarios vs. egoistic motivations in hard to escape

  • altruistic personality is context dependent

    • dispositional traits and situational characteristics jointly influencing prosocial behaviour

    • complex interplay between personality and environment

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role of agreeableness

  • agreeableness - empathy, cooperativeness, compassion

    • thought to underpin individual propensity to engage in altruistic acts

    • represents broader dispositional framework - may predispose individuals for certain social responses across different situations

  • agreeableness predicts helping through link to empathic concern which drives motivation for pro-social behaviour

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role of intrinsic motivation

  • the internal drive to engage in activities for their own sake rather than for some external reward pressure

    • rooted in personal satisfaction, fulfilment and alignment with one’s values and interests

    • encourages people to help out of genuine concern

  • intrinsically motivated prosocial behaviour linked with greater wellbeing and deeper connection with those assisted

    • cycle of positive reinforcement

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intrinsic motivation

  • autonomous motivation for helping enhances well-being for both helpers and recipients by satisfying basic psychological need

    • self-determination theory

    • autonomous motivation - genuine care or alignment with values

    • helpers who act based on intrinsic motivations experience greater vitality, self-esteem and positive affect

    • recipients perceive help as authentic

    • stronger and authentic relationship

  • moral identity centrality drives intrinsic helping behaviours, influenced by situational cues that activate or suppress moral self-concept

    • intrinsic reasons for helping are deeply-tied to self-concept

    • strong moral identity - motivated to act in prosocial ways - align with core identity

    • those with intrinsic motivations for helping are less susceptible to situational factors eg. financial incentives

    • intrinsic helping behaviour are sustained when resonating with individual sense of moral self

  • self-giving, donating items symbolic of personal essence, increases perceived generosity of helpers and commitment to causes

    • donating item of personal significance - stronger sense of connection to act - integrating into self-concept

    • seen as more valuable

    • durable connection between helper and cause

    • increases likelihood of sustained engagement over time

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political orientation

  • religiosity moderates the relationship between political orientation and empathy, showing that empathy differences between liberals and conservatives diminish with higher religiosity

  • liberals and conservatives rely on different moral foundations (individualizing vs. binding) in making moral judgments, influencing their prosocial behaviours and social policies

    • liberal more focused on issues of harm and fairness - empathy and justice

    • conservative value more purity, loyalty and authority - group cohesion and societal order

  • moral framing (individualizing vs. binding) can shift environmental attitudes and behaviours, with conservatives responding more positively to binding moral frames in pro-environmental messages

    • conservatives respond more to pro-environmental messages framed in binding moral messages

    • liberals maintained pro-environmental attitudes regardless of frame

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role of gender

  • self-perceptions vs. behaviours

    • women report higher empathy and agreeableness, but men often exhibit more helping behaviour in risky, chivalrous, or public contexts (Eagly & Crowley, 1986)

    • reflects societal expectations

  • biological influences

    • women’s "tend-and-befriend" hormonal responses drive affiliative and caregiving prosociality (Taylor, 2006)

  • behavioural patterns by type

    • women excel in altruistic, emotional, and compliant behaviours, while men lead in public helping; minimal gender differences in anonymous prosociality (Xiao et al., 2019)

    • dire prosocial behaviour tend to favour women - overlap with emotional involvement

  • men encouraged to engage in PB in ways that align with traditional masculine values while women are socialised to be more nurturing and caring

    • may vary by cultural contexts - smaller gaps in more egalitarian societies

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bystander intervention recap

  • five-step decision model (Latané & Darley, 1970):

    • notice the event – awareness of the situation

    • interpret as an emergency – determining if help is needed

    • assume responsibility – personal accountability for intervention

    • decide how to help – choosing a course of action

    • take action – implementing the decision to intervene

  • key concepts:

    • diffusion of responsibility: more bystanders reduce individual accountability

    • ambiguity and pluralistic ignorance: uncertainty leads to reliance on others’ reactions

    • cost-benefit analysis: potential risks and rewards of intervening

    • implicit bystander effect (Garcia et al., 2002): thinking about being in a group can reduce personal accountability, even without others being physically present

  • classic studies:

    • smoke-filled room experiment (Latané & Darley, 1968)

    • seizure study (Darley & Latané, 1968)

  • key contributions

    • what hinders responsibility and intervention of bystanders

    • the more people are present the more responsibility is diffused and intervention delayed

    • relying on other’s reaction in an emergency due to uncertainty

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features of online spaces

  • anonymity: online interactions often allow users to remain anonymous or use pseudonyms

    • relevance: reduces personal accountability, influencing whether bystanders choose to intervene

  • asynchronicity: online communication can occur at different times (asynchronous), allowing users to respond at their convenience

    • relevance: this feature can lead to delays in intervention, as bystanders may feel less urgency to act when they are not witnessing an event in real-time - may reduce urgency of event

  • group dynamics: online platforms often host large groups of users, creating a collective environment

    • relevance: the presence of multiple bystanders can lead to the diffusion of responsibility (assume someone else will take action)

      • cost-benefit interpretation - ambiguity, if no one else responds to a situation you would consider an emergency how justified are you in intervening?

  • visibility and permanence: Online content can be easily shared, reshared, and archived, making actions and comments visible to a wide audience

    • relevance: amplifies the impact of bystander actions or inactions, as responses can be scrutinised by others,  affecting their willingness to intervene

      • empowerment when intervening

      • inaction due avoid trolling/harassment

  • emotional distance: online interactions can create a sense of detachment from the emotional realities of others

    • relevance: this emotional distance may lead to a lack of empathy, influencing bystanders' decisions to intervene or support victims

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challenges for BI online

  • notice the event – awareness of the situation

    • content overload can desensitise users to harmful behaviour

  • interpret as an emergency – assessing help need

    • lack of emotional cues = ambiguity in severity assessment

    • harmful actions often misinterpreted as typical online interactions

      • harassment/trolling has become extremely common

  • assume responsibility – personal accountability

    • anonymity and large group dynamics diffuse responsibility

    • bystanders often expect others to intervene, reducing personal action

  • decide how to help – choosing an action

    • options: reporting, supporting victims, or confronting perpetrators

      • impact is not as powerful or immediate as a real-life situation

    • challenge: fear of backlash or platform norms can hinder decisions

  • take action – implementing the decision

    • empowerment and platform culture impact intervention likelihood

    • fear of negative consequences often deters action

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bullying

  • form of interpersonal aggression with three distinct traits (Olweus, 1993)

    • power imbalance in favour of perpetrators

    • repetitive nature

    • direct intention to cause harm or distress

  • bullying can be physical, verbal, and/or relational

  • cyber-bullying is on the rise with shared and distinct features highlighted...

    • anonymity shifts power dynamics

    • CB repeated via ongoing viewing - visibility and permanence

      • victims know that content is being viewed over and over

    • CB can continue outside of school setting/time

  • department of education (2016): 40% of young people were bullied in the last 12 months

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teacher intervention in traditional and cyber bullying

  • traditional bullying: higher likelihood of teacher intervention compared to cyberbullying

  • affective empathy: greater empathy increases chances of noticing, interpreting, and acting on bullying

  • perceived seriousness: teachers viewing bullying as serious are more likely to respond

  • cyberbullying challenges: teachers feel unprepared, resulting in lower intervention rates

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adolescent judgments about bystander intervention online

  • gender & grade: females and younger students find cyberbullying less acceptable and are more likely to intervene

  • empathy: higher empathy levels lead to a greater likelihood of active intervention

  • family dynamics: positive family management and secure attachments correlate with lower acceptability and higher intervention intentions

  • racial discrimination: experiences of discrimination from teachers linked to higher acceptability of cyberbullying and lower intervention intentions

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challenges in responding to SV

  • diverse forms of sexual violence

    • partner, acquaintance, stranger SV

    • sexual violence settings (private v public)

  • myths about sexual violence

    • victim blaming

    • doubt and disbelief

    • exonerate perpetrators

    • stereotypes about victims

    • misconstruction of consent

    • real rape stereotypes

    • gendered assumptions

  • knowing when but also how to intervene

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applying bystander model to SV cases

  • bystander intervention approach:

    • engages community members to intervene in potential sexual violence situations

    • focuses on empowering bystanders to act before, during, and after incidents

  • continuum of bystander opportunities:

    • reactive situations: interventions during or after an assault

    • proactive situations: actions taken to prevent sexual violence before it occurs

    • risk levels: classifies situations as high-risk (imminent danger) or low-risk (subtle behaviors supporting a culture of violence)

  • importance of education