1/30
Looks like no tags are added yet.
Name | Mastery | Learn | Test | Matching | Spaced |
---|
No study sessions yet.
prosocial, helping and altruistic behaviour
three key dimensions
intentionality (Batson & Powell, 2003)
prosocial behaviour encompasses actions intended to benefit others
most definitions emphasise that both prosocial and altruistic behaviours reflect positive social actions aimed at promoting the welfare of others
multiple definitions emphasise the intentional nature of prosocial behaviour
costs and benefits (Schroeder & Graziano, 2015)
any action that benefits others
what matter is positive impact - intended or not
altruism - actions incurring cost to actor while benefitting recipient - altruistic behaviour inherently costly
social context
actions valued by society
societal approval
can include actions that do not benefit others but are socially approved
motives in prosocial behaviour
egoistic motives
underlying motivation might be self-serving outcome can still benefit community
social recognition gained may encourage further prosocial behaviour
cycle of positive impact
empathetic motives
when experiencing compassion we are more inclined to engage in acts of kindness
deeply rooted in wanting to alleviate suffering of others and promoting well-being
lead to genuine connections - community support and cohesion
moral values
principal forms of prosocial behaviour
actions guided by commitment of what one thinks is right regardless of personal gain
moral compass not only inspires own actions but can also motivate others to follow suit - ripple effect of positive change
evolutionary perspective on PB
the role of intention
largely irrelevant in evolutionary definitions of altruism - focus on general biological principles
reputation and social dynamics
altruistic behaviours can enhance reputation within social group - increased reproductive success
individuals more likely to engage in PB when they feel/think they are observed
psychological motivations
fitness costs
altruism - actions that benefits others at the cost of oneself
long term evolutionary implications for reproduction and survival
kin selection (Hamilton, 1964)
does not incur costs in the same way altruistic behaviours might be perceived
genetic advantages of aiding relatives - investment in genetic legacy
evolutionary pressures shape actions that appear altruistic but are rooted in genetic self-interest
for many species cooperative actions arise from instinct rather than conscious choice - untypically classified as prosocial in human sense
humans naturally predisposed to help others - need for connection and cooperation
relationships = community and support
increases likelihood of PB
reciprocal helping - norm of reciprocity
encourages individuals to assist one another
enhances trust and collaboration
investing in reciprocal relationships = boost chances of receiving help in return → supportive network
biological basis of helping
identical twins show higher correlation (r = .62) in prosocial behaviour compared to fraternal twins (r = .40) - highlighting genetic influences
how much altruism is inherited vs. learned - identical environment between twins
infant preferences (Hamlin et al., 2007, 2010)
even infants as young as three months prefer helpful over hurtful individuals
preference indicates that foundations of morality may be somewhat innate rather than product of socialisation
toddler altruism (Warneken & Tomasello, 2006)
children as young as two distinguish between accidental and intentional actions in helping
ability to asses intentions reveals sophisticated level of moral reasoning - remarkable for a young age
toddlers are active participants in moral development
altruism may be part of our natural development
learning to be prosocial
parenting practices
positive parenting predicts greater prosocial tendencies, independent of genetic factors (Knafo & Plomin, 2006)
interactions between parents and children can influence inclination to help others
nurturing environments → more likely to develop empathy
learning theory: development of prosocial behaviour in three stages:
helping for self-gain (instrumental rewards)
help others gain something for themselves
helping for social rewards (approval)
begin to understand value of social approval
motivated by desire of social reward
being helpful can lead to positive feedback from others
social context of helping
helping due to internalised values (moral principles)
internalised values and moral principles
help others because they believe it is the right thing to do
helping becomes intrinsic part of identity
interactions + experiences teach us to be altruistic
role of media
engaging with prosocial content increases PB over time
increase mediated by empathy
ability to understand and respond to the emotional state of others
implications - media acts as a "teacher" influencing personality traits and behaviours over time
potential to cultivate empathy and cooperative behaviour
can leverage social media in educational developmental contexts to promote positive social interactions and foster more empathetic societies
social exchange theory - Thibault and Kelley
helping decisions based on cost-benefit analyses
people make decisions by weighing up costs against anticipated reward
nature of altruism - truly selfless or driven by underlying self-interest
willingness to help can fluctuate depending on relative importance of costs and rewards in different contexts/situations
Good Samaritans study
findings:
ill victims helped more frequently (95%) and faster than drunk victims (50%)
higher costs - disgust/potential harm
slight preference for same-race helping, especially for drunk victims
subtle biases
no diffusion of responsibility observed - larger groups facilitated faster help
heightened emotional arousal
delayed help increased bystander discomfort and area exits
passengers more likely to leave critical area during drunk trials or if help was delayed
comments reflected discomfort and rationalising inaction - social dynamics
cost-reward model proposed
bystanders assess cost against rewards when deciding whether to intervene
emotional arousal caused by witnessing an emergency drove behaviour - responses aimed at diminishing the discomfort
complexity of real-life interactions
empathy-altruism hypothesis
key components: empathic concerns and altruistic motivation
feel a deep urge to help someone in distress even when it might cost us something
feelings of empathic concern can illicit genuine altruistic motivations
goal - alleviate suffering rather than achieve self-serving gains
concern focused on welfare on others rather than own distress
prompts us to act in other’s best interests
altruistic motivation - helping behaviour driven by genuine desire to improve well-being of person in need
prioritises need of others above any personal gain
social and emotional triggers of helping pt.1
similarity and prejudice
racial biases affect helping behaviour, especially in high-emergency situations
emergency severity and bias
increased urgency leads to slower response times and reduced help for Black victims, highlighting the impact of aversive racism and arousal-cost-reward models
participants placed in staged emergencies - measured quantity and speed of help to black vs. white victims
findings - as level of emergency increased the speed and quality of help offered by white participants to black victims decreased relative to their help for white victims
white helpers experienced high levels of aversion - directly correlated with slower response times
the more urgent the situation the more pronounced the bias became
white participants often interpreted emergencies involving black victims as less severe - felt less responsible to help
consistent across multiple studies
rationalizing discrimination
helpers are less likely to assist Black victims when they can justify non-helping with non-racial factors, especially in demanding or high-risk situations
more pronounced in higher emergency situations
when ability to control prejudiced responses is inhibited biases can emerge
social and emotional triggers of helping pt.2
empathy gap (Bohns and Flynn, 2015; Arceneaux, 2017)
occurs when people underestimate the pain and suffering of others - reduced empathetic responses
often arises from misunderstanding or misinterpretation of perspectives which can prevent effective cooperation and reduce helping behaviour
especially pronounced when victims seem distant or difference to us
perceived group differences can exacerbate these empathy gaps especially towards out-group members
causal attributions (Betancourt, 1990)
when someone believes an individual is personally responsible for their suffering it can lower feelings of empathy and the likelihood of helping
our beliefs about the causes of suffering can directly influence willingness to help
attribution biases can further hinder empathy - framed suffering as self-inflicted
especially when observer maintains an objective stance rather than an empathetic perspective
emotions (Stocks et al., 2009)
guilt can increase likelihood of helping
communal orientation fosters prosocial tendencies - prioritise need of community and relationship
gratitude (Wilhelm & Bekkers, 2006)
when recipients express gratitude it encourages repeat of helping behaviour
positive feedback loop
strengthens social bonds
priming PB
specific cues and contexts can enhance our inclination to engage in altruistic actions
prosocial behaviour and positive affect reinforce each other (Aknin et al., 2018; Snippe et al., 2018)
positive feedback loop - good mood boost willingness to help others k
priming mortality increase charitable giving (Jonas et al., 2002)
contribute to something larger than themselves - positive legacy
religious values complicate our understanding of prosocial behaviour - religious beliefs can inspire acts of kindness they also influence who we help and why
in-group bias (Saroglou et al., 2005) favouring in-group members
more inclined to help those within their faith community
limit scope of PB
preferential treatment rather than universal commitment to helping
methodological issues
self-reports suggest religious individuals as more prosocial
behavioural and experimental methods give a more nuanced and complex picture → main effects attributed to religious processes can be explained by general psychological factors
contextual factors (e.g. Stavrova & Siegers, 2014)
social reinforcement of religiosity can influence the relationship between religion and PB
2014 study - in countries with low social enforcement religious individuals were more likely to engage in PB
societal context can either enhance or inhibit expression of PB among religious and non-religious individuals
why do people fail to help
diffusion of responsibility hypothesis
presence of multiple bystanders diffuses individual responsibility → when more people are present each person feels less compelled to step in assuming someone else will
inaction also explained by emotional conflict - wanting to help vs. fear of making a mistake
can paralyse decision making in critical moments
presence not characteristics of other bystanders affects response
psychological barriers to others
key studies
Darley and Latané - simulated seizure
Darley and Latané - white smoke
Darley and Batson - religious talking giving
evidence for bystander effect
the bystander effect is strongest in ambiguous or low-danger situations
uncertain about necessity of intervention - diffusion of responsibility
uncertainty translates to inaction → people look to others for how to respond
in high-danger situations, bystanders are more likely to act, as the need for help becomes clearer
immediate bystanders are more likely to act decisively
clear threat distinguished = heightened sense of urgency → can override inhibiting effects typically associated with presence of others
certain factors can mitigate bystander effect
presence of a perpetrator/expectation of physical danger can lead to increased helping behaviour - bystanders may view each other as potential allies → collective responsibility
transform dynamics of situation
implicit bystander effect
Garcia et al. (2002) - demonstrated that merely thinking about being in a group reduced personal accountability and can influence help and behaviours in unrelated tasks
merely imagining presence of others can lead to decreased helping behaviour even when those imagined others cannot assist - activates diffusion of responsibility
bystander intervention model
social cues can often influence ambiguity of a situation
eg. reactions of others
need to recognise that inaction of others may be because of uncertainty rather than accurate judgment of the situation
high risk situations often reduce intervention unless danger is severe and unambiguous
helping is not an automatic response - must navigate each step
barriers at any stage can prevent intervention
by understanding steps we can develop better strategies to encourage prosocial behaviour and ensure that more people get the help they need
altruistic personality
rationale - while many people engaged in helping behaviours these actions are not always consistent across personalities or situations
sought to clarify whether individual traits indicative of altruistic personality reliably predicted helping behaviour
explore personality-situation interactions to influence helping behaviours
address conflicting findings - altruism in easy to escape scenarios vs. egoistic motivations in hard to escape
altruistic personality is context dependent
dispositional traits and situational characteristics jointly influencing prosocial behaviour
complex interplay between personality and environment
role of agreeableness
agreeableness - empathy, cooperativeness, compassion
thought to underpin individual propensity to engage in altruistic acts
represents broader dispositional framework - may predispose individuals for certain social responses across different situations
agreeableness predicts helping through link to empathic concern which drives motivation for pro-social behaviour
role of intrinsic motivation
the internal drive to engage in activities for their own sake rather than for some external reward pressure
rooted in personal satisfaction, fulfilment and alignment with one’s values and interests
encourages people to help out of genuine concern
intrinsically motivated prosocial behaviour linked with greater wellbeing and deeper connection with those assisted
cycle of positive reinforcement
intrinsic motivation
autonomous motivation for helping enhances well-being for both helpers and recipients by satisfying basic psychological need
self-determination theory
autonomous motivation - genuine care or alignment with values
helpers who act based on intrinsic motivations experience greater vitality, self-esteem and positive affect
recipients perceive help as authentic
stronger and authentic relationship
moral identity centrality drives intrinsic helping behaviours, influenced by situational cues that activate or suppress moral self-concept
intrinsic reasons for helping are deeply-tied to self-concept
strong moral identity - motivated to act in prosocial ways - align with core identity
those with intrinsic motivations for helping are less susceptible to situational factors eg. financial incentives
intrinsic helping behaviour are sustained when resonating with individual sense of moral self
self-giving, donating items symbolic of personal essence, increases perceived generosity of helpers and commitment to causes
donating item of personal significance - stronger sense of connection to act - integrating into self-concept
seen as more valuable
durable connection between helper and cause
increases likelihood of sustained engagement over time
political orientation
religiosity moderates the relationship between political orientation and empathy, showing that empathy differences between liberals and conservatives diminish with higher religiosity
liberals and conservatives rely on different moral foundations (individualizing vs. binding) in making moral judgments, influencing their prosocial behaviours and social policies
liberal more focused on issues of harm and fairness - empathy and justice
conservative value more purity, loyalty and authority - group cohesion and societal order
moral framing (individualizing vs. binding) can shift environmental attitudes and behaviours, with conservatives responding more positively to binding moral frames in pro-environmental messages
conservatives respond more to pro-environmental messages framed in binding moral messages
liberals maintained pro-environmental attitudes regardless of frame
role of gender
self-perceptions vs. behaviours
women report higher empathy and agreeableness, but men often exhibit more helping behaviour in risky, chivalrous, or public contexts (Eagly & Crowley, 1986)
reflects societal expectations
biological influences
women’s "tend-and-befriend" hormonal responses drive affiliative and caregiving prosociality (Taylor, 2006)
behavioural patterns by type
women excel in altruistic, emotional, and compliant behaviours, while men lead in public helping; minimal gender differences in anonymous prosociality (Xiao et al., 2019)
dire prosocial behaviour tend to favour women - overlap with emotional involvement
men encouraged to engage in PB in ways that align with traditional masculine values while women are socialised to be more nurturing and caring
may vary by cultural contexts - smaller gaps in more egalitarian societies
bystander intervention recap
five-step decision model (Latané & Darley, 1970):
notice the event – awareness of the situation
interpret as an emergency – determining if help is needed
assume responsibility – personal accountability for intervention
decide how to help – choosing a course of action
take action – implementing the decision to intervene
key concepts:
diffusion of responsibility: more bystanders reduce individual accountability
ambiguity and pluralistic ignorance: uncertainty leads to reliance on others’ reactions
cost-benefit analysis: potential risks and rewards of intervening
implicit bystander effect (Garcia et al., 2002): thinking about being in a group can reduce personal accountability, even without others being physically present
classic studies:
smoke-filled room experiment (Latané & Darley, 1968)
seizure study (Darley & Latané, 1968)
key contributions
what hinders responsibility and intervention of bystanders
the more people are present the more responsibility is diffused and intervention delayed
relying on other’s reaction in an emergency due to uncertainty
features of online spaces
anonymity: online interactions often allow users to remain anonymous or use pseudonyms
relevance: reduces personal accountability, influencing whether bystanders choose to intervene
asynchronicity: online communication can occur at different times (asynchronous), allowing users to respond at their convenience
relevance: this feature can lead to delays in intervention, as bystanders may feel less urgency to act when they are not witnessing an event in real-time - may reduce urgency of event
group dynamics: online platforms often host large groups of users, creating a collective environment
relevance: the presence of multiple bystanders can lead to the diffusion of responsibility (assume someone else will take action)
cost-benefit interpretation - ambiguity, if no one else responds to a situation you would consider an emergency how justified are you in intervening?
visibility and permanence: Online content can be easily shared, reshared, and archived, making actions and comments visible to a wide audience
relevance: amplifies the impact of bystander actions or inactions, as responses can be scrutinised by others, affecting their willingness to intervene
empowerment when intervening
inaction due avoid trolling/harassment
emotional distance: online interactions can create a sense of detachment from the emotional realities of others
relevance: this emotional distance may lead to a lack of empathy, influencing bystanders' decisions to intervene or support victims
challenges for BI online
notice the event – awareness of the situation
content overload can desensitise users to harmful behaviour
interpret as an emergency – assessing help need
lack of emotional cues = ambiguity in severity assessment
harmful actions often misinterpreted as typical online interactions
harassment/trolling has become extremely common
assume responsibility – personal accountability
anonymity and large group dynamics diffuse responsibility
bystanders often expect others to intervene, reducing personal action
decide how to help – choosing an action
options: reporting, supporting victims, or confronting perpetrators
impact is not as powerful or immediate as a real-life situation
challenge: fear of backlash or platform norms can hinder decisions
take action – implementing the decision
empowerment and platform culture impact intervention likelihood
fear of negative consequences often deters action
bullying
form of interpersonal aggression with three distinct traits (Olweus, 1993)
power imbalance in favour of perpetrators
repetitive nature
direct intention to cause harm or distress
bullying can be physical, verbal, and/or relational
cyber-bullying is on the rise with shared and distinct features highlighted...
anonymity shifts power dynamics
CB repeated via ongoing viewing - visibility and permanence
victims know that content is being viewed over and over
CB can continue outside of school setting/time
department of education (2016): 40% of young people were bullied in the last 12 months
teacher intervention in traditional and cyber bullying
traditional bullying: higher likelihood of teacher intervention compared to cyberbullying
affective empathy: greater empathy increases chances of noticing, interpreting, and acting on bullying
perceived seriousness: teachers viewing bullying as serious are more likely to respond
cyberbullying challenges: teachers feel unprepared, resulting in lower intervention rates
adolescent judgments about bystander intervention online
gender & grade: females and younger students find cyberbullying less acceptable and are more likely to intervene
empathy: higher empathy levels lead to a greater likelihood of active intervention
family dynamics: positive family management and secure attachments correlate with lower acceptability and higher intervention intentions
racial discrimination: experiences of discrimination from teachers linked to higher acceptability of cyberbullying and lower intervention intentions
challenges in responding to SV
diverse forms of sexual violence
partner, acquaintance, stranger SV
sexual violence settings (private v public)
myths about sexual violence
victim blaming
doubt and disbelief
exonerate perpetrators
stereotypes about victims
misconstruction of consent
real rape stereotypes
gendered assumptions
knowing when but also how to intervene
applying bystander model to SV cases
bystander intervention approach:
engages community members to intervene in potential sexual violence situations
focuses on empowering bystanders to act before, during, and after incidents
continuum of bystander opportunities:
reactive situations: interventions during or after an assault
proactive situations: actions taken to prevent sexual violence before it occurs
risk levels: classifies situations as high-risk (imminent danger) or low-risk (subtle behaviors supporting a culture of violence)
importance of education