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Geographic scope (WPS)
a dispute in the eastern part of the South China Sea (SCS), specifically encompassing the waters within the Philippines’ 200-naturical-mile Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ)
Legal and Political Designation of the WPS
“West Philippine Sea” is a political and social construct officialized via administrative order to legally delineate Philippine sovereignty
Historical claims of the WPS
the designation was established to explicitly counter China’s sweeping, unilateral historical claims represented by its “Nine-Dash Line”
WPS: Philippines’ self-help and China’s power projection
the international system lacks a centralized authority. In the West Philippine Sea, this forces both China and the Philippines to operate within a “self-help” system
the Philippines filed a 2013 UNCLOS case to challenge China’s claims, seeking legal recourse in a system that lacks an enforcement mechanism to execute rulings
as the Philippines is materially outmatched by China, the former used UNCLOS as a “soft balancing” strategy in order to offset the power asymmetry that was happening
the 2016 Arbitral Award, which invalidated China’s nine-dash line, acts as the legal leverage that enables the Philippines to mobilize external allies like the US and Japan
Structural anarchy, security dilemma, zero-sum
limits of law
under anarchy, legal victories like the 2016 Award act as “paper shields” without relative material power to enforce them
security dilemma
China’s “defensive patrols” are perceived by the Philippines as offensive threats, triggering mutual distrust and military buildup”
China uses raw power projection (swarming 56 vessels and placing unauthorized structures at Scarborough Shoal) to establish physical control
zero-sum game
any maritime feature or energy resource blocked by China is an absolute loss to Philippine sovereignty
External balancing of Philippines and China in terms of military
according to the Lowy Power Index, the Philippines is outmatched militarily (2nd vs. 16th in Asia), so it deepens security alliances with the U.S., Japan, and Australia for deterrence
Duterte Administration
viewed hard-power resistance in the West Philippine Sea as pointless, and the US as an unreliable ally
their strategy focused on domestic economic development by shelving the 2016 Arbitral Award to attract infrastructure investments from China and to ease military friction
Marcos (Jr.) Administration
shifted national security priorities back to defending territorial integrity, national sovereignty, and the country’s Exclusive Economic Zone
their strategy became aligned with the country’s military leadership, national security, and the public’s consensus on anti-coercion
Executive threat perceptions on the WPS
Neoclassical Realism helps explain that international systemic pressures do not directly dictate state behavior, and instead filters external threats through domestic intervening factors (e.g. leadership changes)
the leadership change from Duterte to Marcos Jr. reframed China as a severe threat, allowing the Philippines to mobilize resource-extractive capabilities for defense
recent developments in the Philippine Coast Guard are examples of translating national power
Why is realism a fitting framework to explain the WPS dispute?
it accurately explains why hard power controls outcomes and how smaller states get caught in great power dynamics
the rivalry between the US and China frames the dispute as a major arena in the broader struggle for regional dominance, rather than a localized border conflict
theories do not need to mirror every detail to provide true understanding, as their value lies in mapping “what-if” scenarios (Rice, 2019)
it correctly predicts that relying on legal structures without physical military strength will lead to the degradation of Philippine EEZ control by China’s superior naval force
the 2016 Arbitral Award, which invalidated China’s nine-dash line, acts as the legal leverage that enables the Philippines to mobilize external allies like the US and Japan
“the strong do what they can, and the weak suffer what they must” — Thucydides
How did the Russian-Ukraine war start?
Ukraine gained independence in 1991 which led to closer ties to the West
in 2014, conflict started after pro-Russian President of Ukraine Viktor Yanukovych was removed and Russia annexed Crimea afterwards
in 2022, the war exalted to stop Ukraine from aligning with the West
Exchange of Prisoners of War (POWs) between Russia and Ukraine
serves as a rare point of cooperation between the two sides
both countries freed 200 prisoners as of March 5, 2026
Current developments of Russia and Ukraine through a realist lens
each side acts in its own interest to:
recover human resources
preserve national morale
preserve state capacity
zero-sum game
one’s gain is another’s loss = broader peace talks remained stalled and frozen
Realism
a theoretical framework that views global politics as an enduring competition for power and security among self-interested states that is within an anarchic system
one of the most dominant schools of thought, especially following World War II
state acts in its national self-interest: survival through power
presents a world where: the individual is self-interested, the state is unitary, and the international system is anarchic
Neo-Realism (Structural Realism)
analyzing state’s behavior through the structure of the international system
Ukraine-Russia war revolves around nations protecting and surviving on their own in an anarchic system
Key actors in the Russian-Ukraine war
Russia
Ukraine
USA
EU
NATO
How is the international system anarchic?
no central governing authority
states operating on self-help
prioritization of own security and self-preservation above all else
Ukraine
unitary actor focused on its own national survival
took primary responsibility for its own defense
bypassed global institutions to seek bilateral military aid → international law offers no automatic protection
Russia
ignorance of international treaties
paralyzing the UN Security Council through its veto
relying on military force
Security dilemma and relative gains in the Russian-Ukraine war
perceived threat: continuous NATO expansion into neighboring states, including its alliance with Ukraine
NATO frames enlargement as a defensive alliance for member security
Russia sees the expansion as a threat
relative gains & zero-sum game
NATO-Ukraine alignment meant the relative loss of Russian influence and strength
Realist take on Ukraine’s actions
popular take: “the United States pushed forward policies towards Ukraine that Putin and his colleagues see as existential threats to their country
reiterates the concept of the zero-sum game
fails to consider Ukraine’s own national interest to seek NATO/EU membership
economic independence from Russia
shift in Ukraine’s power dynamic from Russia
Ukraine’s own identity as an independent, sovereign state which Putin does not recognize
Ukraine’s western alignment movement explained through realism principles
statism
sovereign states as the primary and supreme actor;
survival
ensuring the state’s survival;
self-help
state must rely on their own to survive;
self-interest
strengthening Ukraine means weakening Russia
Western Aid and Sanctions: Tools in Power Politics
Western assistance to Ukraine
provision of $50B in financial and military aid
sanctions on Russia
banned Russian banks from the Society for Worldwide Interbank Financial Telecommunication (SWIFT)
restrictions on Russia’s access to foreign reserves
blacklisting Russia’s central bank
Western companies’ suspension of operations in Russia
such measures are seen to be driven by national interests
empowers ally and undermines rival
Basic background on the Cambodia-Thai border conflict
a long-running and unresolved border dispute between these two countries that escalated into sustained armed conflict in 2025
1950’s: Cambodian independence from France, border conflict begins
1962: ICJ rules in favor of Cambodia
2008: Cambodia has Preah Vihear Temple declared as a World Heritage Site
2013: ICJ clarifies in favor of Cambodia
2025: conflict escalates once more
first skirmish on May 28, 2025:
a Cambodian soldier dies due to the skirmish, both sides accuse each other of initiating
phone call leak:
Thai prime minister calls Cambodian senate president, refers to him as “uncle” and calls the Thai military “the opposing side”. She was ousted from the premiership
escalation:
Thai soldiers die to landmines, unclear who placed them
72-hour ceasefire called December 27, 2025
immediate halt to military operations, mutually clearing out landmines
What is the most contested site along the Thailand-Cambodia border?
Preah Vihear temple
Current developments in the Cambodia-Thai border conflict
undefined border
border areas still disputed
closed land border between Thailand and Cambodia
virtually no land border trade
damaged Thai-Cambodian labor relations
damages both nations economicaly
continued lack of trust between Thailand and Cambodia
worse diplomatic relations
damaged ASEAN credibility, centrality, and viability
another challenge for ASEAN
Features of Realism
the state is the principal actor in war/politics
state-centrism: the state has the final say and is our unit of analysis. Individuals, businesses, and international organizations exist but have limited power
the state is a unitary actor
the state acts as one unified voice. Internal conflicts do not drive/influence the actions of the state, they give way in the fact of external threats
political actors are rational
cost and benefit analysis. If costs outweigh benefits, do not proceed. Decisions made based on what will forward national interest
the state is concerned with security issues
survival is the prerequisite to everything else
states ‘at minimum, seek their own preservation and, at maximum, drive for universal domination’ (Waltz, 1979)
it’s a ‘zero-sum game’
one state’s gain is another state’s loss
security dilemma: one state’s security is another state’s threat
Application of the features of realism to the Cambodia-Thai border conflict
the state is the principal actor in war and politics
international organizations like the ICJ are called to rule/mediate, but the states themselves have the final say in complying
Thailand refused ASEAN mediation
the state is a unitary actor
despite both Cambodia and Thailand having domestic disputes/internal conflicts, the state is still able to act in response to perceived external threats (ex. PM fired)
political actors are rational
Thailand only agreed to mediation after the US refused to participate in tariff negotiations until the conflict ends or a ceasefire is reached, acting on its self interest at the moment
the state is concerned with security issues
contested borders are a security issue: leads to potential violence
Thailand suspended the implementation of the November 2025 US-backed peace deal after 2 casualties on their side. Continuing with the agreement is no longer in its national interest. Security concerns outweigh the desire for peace
it’s a ‘zero-sum game’
any territory that Cambodia gains on the Thai-Cambodia border is seen as a loss for Thailand (e.g. Preah Vihear Temple)
security dilemma, arms race: Cambodia had been reinforcing their military positions along the border prior to the July 2025 clashes
on December 8, 2025: Thailand renewed airstrikes on Cambodia’s military locations in the border amid a ceasefire after accusing Cambodia of mobilizing heavy weaponry and repositioning troops
Liberalism
the behavior of states — hence, levels of international conflict and cooperation — reflect the nature and configuration of state preferences (interdependence and the international system)
cooperation through institutions; reduce conflict and competition; market-oriented
sees human nature as collaborative and equal among one another
Liberalism: primacy of social actors
“fundamental actors in politics are members of domestic society, understood as individuals and privately-constituted groups seeking to promote their independent interest”
Liberalism: representation
“all governments represent some segment of domestic society, whose interests are reflected in state policy”
Liberalism: positive sum game
all states benefit, even if not equally
Key concepts of liberalism
obsolescence of war
democratic peace
human rights
free markets
Brief history of SDGs
June 1992: more than 178 countries adopted Agenda 21, a comprehensive plan of action to build a global partnership for sustainable development
September 2000: member states unanimously adopted the Millennium Declaration. The summit led to the elaboration of eight Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) to reduce extreme poverty by 2015
2002: the Johannesburg Declaration on Sustainable Development and the Plan of Implementation was adopted, and it reaffirmed the global community’s commitments to poverty eradication and the environment
June 2012: member states adopted the outcome document “The Future We Want”
2013: the General Assembly set up a 30-member Open Working group to develop a proposal on the SDGs
2015: adoption of several major agreements:
January: the General Assembly began the negotiation process on the post-2015 development agenda
March: Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction
July: Addis Ababa Action Agenda on Financing for Development
September: the General Assembly culminated in the subsequent adoption of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, with 17 SGDs at its core
December: Paris Agreement on Climate Change
Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)
serve as the blueprint to achieve a more sustainable future for all
they collectively address the global challenges we face, including those related to poverty, inequality, climate change, environmental degradation. peace and justice, and the goal is to achieve them all by 2030
SDG #1
no poverty
SDG #2
zero hunger
SDG #3
good health and well-being
SDG #4
quality education
SDG #5
gender equality
SDG #6
clean water and sanitation
SDG #7
affordable and clean energy
SDG #8
decent work and economic growth
SDG #9
industry, innovation and infrastructure
SDG #10
reduced inequalities
SDG #11
sustainable cities and communities
SDG #12
responsible consumption and production
SDG #13
climate action
SDG #14
life below water
SDG #15
life on land
SDG #16
peace, justice and strong institutions
SDG #17
partnerships for the goals
Current situation and challenges of the SDGs (169 targets)
36% on track
49% progressing slowly
15% regressing
annual funding gap for the SDGs. estimated at around 4,000 billion dollars
regions not on track to eradicate extreme poverty by 2020: sub-Saharan Africa, Middle East & North Africa, and Oceania (excluding Australia/New Zealand)
Notable highlights of current SDG progress
access to electricity: 92% of global population
capacity for renewable energies: 2.2x
forced child labor: prevented for 20M children since 2020
professionally assisted births: 87%
access to the Internet: 74% of global population
HIV infections: decreased by 30%
social protection: 50% of global population
decline in unemployment: dropped to 4.9% in 2025
protected ecosystems: 2x since 2015
increase in parliamentary seats occupied by women: 22.4% to 27.4%
Biggest challenges in current SDG progress
refugees: 2x since 2015
extreme poverty: 10%
displacement: 118 million due to conflict
climate disasters: 2x as many affected
global warming in 2025: rose by 1.43°C
population living in slums: 1.16B
food insecurity: 2.3B
young people out of school: 237M
debt: 8.9T for low and middle-income countries
official development assistance: declined by 23.1%
Contradictions of development in SEA in comparison to liberalist assumptions
Liberalist assumptions:
market-driven growth, economic prioritization
state as neutral, regulatory body
individual rights and procedural democracy
binding rules and enforcement by transnational institutions and agreements
Development in SEA:
growth as state-directed
state as a direct intervenor, wherein development requires direct action
collectivist cultural norms; aligned with SDGs necessitating collective action
non-interference & consensus
Contradictions in the Philippines: economic priorities vs. sustainable development
GOAL: transition to around 35% renewable energy by 2030 and 50% by 2040.
In 2023, the Philippines' installed power capacity was 43.85% coal versus 29.75% renewable energy.
Demand for cheap, reliable energy for industrialization
Long-term requirements of:
SDG 7 (Affordable and Clean Energy)
SDG 11 (Sustainable Cities and Communities)
SDG 13 (Climate Action)
SDG 15 (Life on Land)
Tension between infrastructure-led growth in achieving economic targets and sustainable growth
Creates trade-offs
E.g., “Build Better More” program
This case emphasizes that goals must consider stricter environmental safeguards, green design standards, and alignment with renewable energy & climate commitments.
Contradictions in the Philippines: cooperation vs. non-interference
The Philippines signed the ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution, calling for transboundary cooperation in the prevention and monitoring of forest and land fires.
Principles upheld by ASEAN: (1) non-interference, (2) national sovereignty, and (3) consensus-based decision-making.
ASEAN’s institutions produce shared norms among its countries but lack strong supranational enforcement, leaving commitments rather aspirational as haze episodes recur.
UNESCAP: “Existing data show that the region is on track to achieve only 14 targets by 2030, with seven SDGs having no targets on track”
PH case: presents itself as a pro-cooperation member by signing such agreements and remaining active in ASEAN working groups
Ironically remains non-interventionist when the problems at hand concern sensitive domestic issues.
Philippines’ 2026 ASEAN Chairmanship: Manila must balance respect for sovereignty with the need to “meaningfully intervene” on regional crises—precisely the tension that shapes how much cooperation can translate into SDG gains.
Primary articles for ASEAN
membership open to all states of Southeast Asia that share the organization’s aims, principles, and purposes
cooperation in economic, social, cultural, technical, and educational sectors
promotion of regional peace and stability through respect for justice, the rule of law, and adherence to the principles of the United Nations Charter
representation of the collective will of the nations of Southeast Asia, to bind themselves together in friendship and cooperation
secure blessings of peace, freedom, and prosperity through joint efforts and sacrifices
Important ASEAN qualities
ASEAN Way: sovereignty and non-interference
consensus
consultation
commitment
peace between states
ASEAN Centrality:
characterizes the ‘nucleus’ and ‘institutional hub role of ASEAN in regional affairs in SEA and the wider Indo-Pacific’
about the ‘larger dynamics of regionalism and regional architecture in Asia Pacific and beyond’
Philippines-China relations: most recent encounter
September 7. 2026
Chinese forces fired flares at an unarmed Philippine Coast Guard aircraft doing a routine surveillance flight over West Philippine Sea
Philippines-China relations: varying interests
from its conception, the consensus draft was met with different interests
ASEAN helped create a joint code of conduct on contested territory
1990s: beginning of talks on CoC
2002: signing of Declaration of Conduct of Parties
2016: arbitral award from UNCLOS
2018: drafting of single draft negotiating text
Vietnam-China relations: brief history
the fall of Au Lac kingdom (Vietnam) due to Nan Yue kingdom (China)
start of 1000+ years of relations
permanently engraved in national history
Sino-Vietnamese (1978)
1991: normal relations resumed, but suspicions and unaddressed issues remain
on the basis of independence, self-reliance, complete equality, and non-interference into each other’s affairs
“the identity of Vietnam as a nation has been defined by multiple struggles against China throughout the course of history” (Do, 2021)
Vietnam-China relations: what glued them
similarity in political ideals (communism) → #1 value
personal ties between respective founders
economically beneficial (but more so for Vietnam towards China than vice versa)
Vietnam-China relations: shifts in perspective
realization that “China’s foreign policy was guided by its national interests, not by ideology” = ideological courting, but disagreed with China’s claims to sovereignty over truong sa + hoang sa
stemming from a desire of economic self-reliance and sovereignty, Hanoi increasingly associated its interests with international law and stood firmly against any acts deemed as an infringement of its maritime interests
while expanding cooperation with China, Vietnam also moved to seek admission to ASEAN and improve its relations with Western countries, including the U
kept neutrality to not send China the wrong message (balance of economic and security prospects) → “bamboo strategy”
2014: China’s deployment of an oil rig in Vietnam’s Exclusive Economic Zone (FEZ) and continental shelf → 2 months of protests, infuriated citizens, and stand-off between the countries’ vessels
Philippines-Vietnam (+China) relations
June 2026: PH-Vietnam strengthened defense ties to bolster maritime security and maintain peace in the disputed maritime region
despite overlapping claims in the Spratlys, the two often work diplomatically together
both currently dealing with maritime issues in China despite proofs of ownership, but current approaches are different
Vietnam: (at least its govt.) usually prefers to maintain neutrality with China in order to balance its economic and security interests (except when these interests are threatened)
Philippines: openly/publicly condemns Chinese actions while dealing with frequent maritime conflicts with them over the WPS
historical conflict: in 1968, Filipino troops established a military garrison in Pugad Island, but Vietnamese forces took possession of it in 1975
result: these issues were swept under the rug as recommended by Washington at that time
Historical institutionalism
focuses on understanding political, social, and economic changes through the lens of institutions
analyzes how institutions impact individual behaviors and broader societal outcomes
emphasis on path dependence and critical junctures
Historical institutionalism: method
using macro/international level of analysis
status quo → exogenous event → critical juncture → new status quo (path dependence) = it’s a cycle
Why does historical institutionalism work for analyzing the evolution of ASEAN?
exogenous event: Cold War
critical juncture: emergence of ASEAN: ASEAN Way and ASEAN centrality
path dependence: success of ASEAN in maintaining regional stability
Philippines’ path dependence trajectory
2002 code of conduct signing (ASEAN way: “peaceful engagement rather than decisive intervention”)
2016 arbitral ruling on WPS (ASEAN member states resulted in fragmented bilateral support)
present developments show the slow progress
Vietnam’s path dependence trajectory
the 1000 year history with China
Haiyang Shiyou 981 oil-rig incident
they’re able to balance their partnership with China (same political ideology, opposing views on claiming rights)
in recent developments
the issue between PH-Vietnam, but not prioritized as much because of the heightened pressure and clashes with China
led to Vietnam cooperating with PH
ongoing, slow progress and negotiation talks
Four primary themes of liberal institutionalism
cooperation in post-war Europe
recognition of supranationalism
deepened EU integration
crisis-centric evolution
Evolution of EU as seen through the themes of liberal institutionalism
cooperation in post-war Europe
the first states (EU-6) formed institutions such as the ECSC to account for more cohesive and foreseeable cooperation on areas of commonality (e.g. trade, defense)
recognition of supranationalism
the European Communities start capitalizing on having their institutions gain more authority and influence based on the member states
deepened EU integration
with a more established presence, the Union holds firm on its pace of evolution as it now has the discretion to act as a sui generis entity capable of deciding on its own
crisis-centric evolution
faced with the onslaught of new issues in the contemporary world, the Union is forced to respond to crises with action whilst maintaining their relevance
Current developments in the EU
September 16, 2026: State of the European Union address (SOTEU) - Ursula von der Leyen (President of European Commission)
July 14, 2026: enlargement
Joint defense (800 billion Euro)
Budget War 2026
Enlargement debate
EU expanding its borders, considering: Ukraine, Moldova, Montenegro, and Albania
boost of 512 million
but EU demands strict legal checkpoints: 33 policy checklist called Copenhagen Criteria
information asymmetry
lacking balance information, thus fear of breaking EU from the inside
European Commission as Auditor
they force applicant countries through 33-policy checklist
replacing geopolitical fear before integration
€800 billion mobilization (pivot to joint defense)
EU is radically centralizing its defense
European Commission launched the European Defence Projects of Common Interest (EDPCI)
functional spillover
economic integration switched to industrial and military integration out of necessity
transaction cost
cheaper and faster for 27 states to buy together through EU than to negotiate 27 separated contracts
Multinational financial framework (2028-2034, 7 years)
the 27 member states are in intense debate over the EU’s 7 years budget
European Commission wants to invest more on defense and tech, while traditional members want to stick with budgeting local farming and agriculture
path dependency
state members are effectively locked-in in EU, despite the heavy debates
absolute gains
ensures that they keep repeating the game until compromise is struck
How does the EU represent liberal institutionalism?
because sovereign [member] states rationally established its formal rules, shared norms and autonomous supranational bodies as strategic tools to overcome anarchy and secure economic gains
EU trading
trade is a central pillar explaining how liberal institutionalism facilitates cooperation within the European Union
Free trade and removal of barriers in the EU
EU has an established common market, where all intra-Union trade barriers are removed (TEU [Art. 110, Par. 10])
a trading state > a military state
the early beginnings of the EU (establishment of the EU-6), was a treaty prompted by the end of World War
ECSC to EEC (Treaty of Rome)
establishing the 4 freedoms
Absolute gains of the EU
the single market
member states trade freely without tariffs, and all participating countries grow
the EU also trades with third countries instead of as individual states
Common Commercial Policy (CCP)
Common Customs Tariff (CCT)
EU is a model of regional and global governance where law-making power from individual states is pooled into ______________
supranational bodies/institutions
the EU also utilizes Qualified Majority Voting (QMV) which prevents single ‘powerful’ state from blocking consensus on key governance issues, which ensures collective decision making
primacy enables EUs ‘regional’ governance, by allowing the EU law to override conflicting national laws
the EU also binds its own foreign policy to international organizations like the UN
(TEU Art. 21, Par 1)
“the Union’s action on the international scene shall be guided by the principles which have inspired its own creation, development and enlargement, and which it seeks to advance in the wider world: democracy, the rule of law, the universality and indivisibility of human rights and fundamental freedoms, respect for human dignity, the principles of equality and solidarity, and respect for the principles of the United Nations Charter and International law”
The elimination of trade barriers has allowed for functional spillovers. What are these in the context of EU?
cooperation in one economic sector which has lead to the evolution and growing interdependence in others
ex. Trans-European Rail Network
The elimination of trade barriers has allowed for political spillovers. What are these in the context of EU?
political actors begin shifting their priorities towards the “new center” leading to the creation of shared governing entities common policies for all member states
ex. European Parliament
The presence of legislative and regulatory bodies in the EU — how does it connect to liberal institutionalism?
the EU’s jurisdiction grows past simply an economic entity
the Eu has facilitated the creation of legislative and regulatory bodies to facilitate the idea of global governance alongside ensuing member cooperation
the creation of multiple interdependent channels to resolve specific issues related to economics, human rights, and international relations presents the characteristic equal care for all issues proposed by Liberal Institutionalism
Examples of legislative and regulatory bodies in the EU
European Parliament
European Commission
Council of the European Union
European Council
Court of Justice (CJEU)
European Parliament
political representatives of EU citizens, with legislative and budgetary powers
European Commission
proposes new legislation and implements decisions made by the EU
external representation of the EU
Council of the European Union
serves as the main law-making entity of the EU
made up of national government ministers
European Council
a political summit comprised of the heads of state of all EU member countries
Court of Justice (CJEU)
the legal body of the European Union that oversees the application of EU law across member states
note: ECJ (European Court of Justice) is a branch within this
Does liberal institutionalism fully explain the development and future of the European Union?
liberal Institutionalism explains the motivations for the initial creation of the ECSC in the effort to make war “materially impossible” (trading state better than a military state) and its ongoing expansion
in the case of the EU, absolute gains fail to fully encapsulate the compromises made by member states in order to adhere to the EU's set guidelines and economic standards. While being members of the EU's single market provide a certain amount of gains, it has become a point it has become a point of contention among members states that they cannot fully exercise their economic capabilities due to the major regulatory rules in place by the EU (ex. UK Brexit)
liberal institutionalism cannot fully explain the current democratic deficits within the EU and the growing disassociation that EU citizens feel towards it in comparison to their own state politics alongside the rise of Euroscepticism
International Criminal Court (ICC)
world’s first permanent, independent international court
created to prosecute individuals that are responsible for the most serious international crimes
Understanding the ICC
court of last resort
Principle of Complementarity
states have the primary responsibility to investigate & prosecute
ICC steps in when countries are unwilling or unable
relies heavily on state cooperation
ICC has no police force or army
depends on states to arrest suspects and assist investigations
without cooperation, suspects may remain free
scope
ICC tries individuals, not states or governments
membership
125 member states
Philippines withdrew in 2019
Constructivism
ideas that states develop and share through their interactions
a theoretical framework that emerged in the late 20th century to challenge dominant theories in Realism and Liberalism (Batara et al., 2021)
focuses on the creation of meaning, ideas, norms, identities, and shared beliefs in shaping international politics
ex. “How did the state come to believe that children deserve to have their own rights in the first place?”
Why was the ICC established? + from a constructivist perspective
Post–Cold War: growing emphasis on dignity, quality of life, and human rights
these values and aspirations changed in the international political system
“Never Again” → contributed to the international norm of accountability for mass atrocities
from a constructivist perspective: “this developed expectations of acceptable and unacceptable state behavior. The ICC turned these norms into an institution and legal mechanism. It pursues justice, accountability, and protection of human life”
Actors impact structures, and structures impact actors
two-way relationship: states help create institutions like the ICC, while institutions also shape how states behave
Constructivism as…
constructed: shaped by states’ interactions, beliefs, and shared meanings
emergent: these shared meanings develop and change over time
Current developments of the ICC
the ICC is currently facing a highly challenging period in its history
despite notable achievements
in prosecuting individuals, the court confronts an existential crisis due to strong diplomatic and economic opposition from the United States and an unexpected wave of member state withdrawals
The geopolitical repercussions & United States sanctions
the discord stems from the International Criminal Court's arrest warrants for prominent figures, including Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant, outside its typical jurisdiction
U.S. Dismantling Initiative: In July 2026, the Trump administration began efforts to dismantle the International Criminal Court (ICC), with Secretary of State Marco Rubio calling it an “illegitimate international organization” that compromises U.S. sovereignty.
sanctions on court leadership: In August 2026, the U.S. imposed sanctions on ICC President Tomoko Akane and senior trial lawyer Abdoulaye Seye, freezing their U.S. assets and barring them from U.S. transactions. The ICC reports that half of its judges and both deputy prosecutors are now sanctioned, viewing this as a "flagrant attack" on its independence
Exits of member states and shortcomings in enforcement
the court's authority is being significantly weakened due to structural non-compliance and a decreasing number of members
Departure of Member States: Under U.S. pressure and regional discontent, several countries are exiting the Rome Statute. Chad cites U.S. diplomatic pressure for its withdrawal, while Venezuela also plans to leave. In Africa, military juntas have led Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger to consider withdrawal
Enforcement Challenges: The ICC lacks a police force and relies on its 125 member states for arrests. However, countries like Germany, France, and Poland have stated they would not arrest Prime Minister Netanyahu, indicating a divide in adherence to international law
Recent developments and status of current ICC cases
Rodrigo Duterte (Philippines)
following his surrender in early 2025, the International Criminal Court's Pre-Trial Chamber upheld all charges of crimes against humanity against the former President of the Philippines. His trial is set to start on November 30, 2026
Darfur Probe (Sudan)
in July 2026, the International Criminal Court (ICC) announced new evidence linking senior military leaders to war crimes and their command responsibility in Sudan, including intercepted communications and documents
Khaled Mohamed Mohamed Ali El Hishri (Libya)
an ex-senior official of Mitiga Prison, extradited from Germany, faces charges of crimes against humanity, including murder, torture, and rape, and is scheduled for trial
Duterte ICC case timeline
February 10, 2025: the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICC applied for an arrest warrant against Duterte for the crimes against humanity of murder, torture and rape
March 12, 2025: Duterte was surrendered to the International Criminal Court
January 26, 2026: the Pre-Trial Chamber I found Duterte fit to take part in the pre-trial proceedings and rejected the Defence’s request for an indefinite adjournment
April 23, 2026: Pre-Trial Chamber I unanimously confirmed all the charges comprised of three counts of crimes against humanity and committed him to trial before a Trial Chamber. The opening of the trial is scheduled for 30 November 2026
[MATCHING TYPE] Constructive Perspective (Fehl, 2004; Leonard, 2005) on the individual level:
some institutions are so widely accepted within a group of states that they have come to be constitutive of its identity
the ad hoc tribunals have always been vulnerable to charges of ’victors’ justice’.
application:
on 30 August 2011, the Philippines deposited its instrument of ratification to the Rome Statute of the ICC. The Statute will enter into force for the Philippines on 1 November 2011 (ICC - the Philippines Becomes the 117th State to Join the Rome Statute System, n.d.)
on March 17, 2019, Duterte withdrew from Rome Statute, because of "baseless, unprecedented and outrageous attacks" by U.N. officials, and violations of due process and presumption of innocence (Lema & Morales, 2018)
in accordance to Duterte’s arrest in the ICC: while 58% disagreed with Duterte’s arrest, 26% agreed with his arrest and surrender and 16% remained undecided (Calimbahin, 2025; Mateo, 2025)
[MATCHING TYPE] Constructive Perspective (Fehl, 2004; Leonard, 2005) on the national level:
sovereignty is an example of a social arrangement that is created by rules, but also creates rules
Article 17.1 of the Rome Statute defines the principle of complementarity where the Court determines the inadmissibility of the case
application:
the Philippines exercised its sovereignty by joining the ICC and accepting its rules on accountability, but later invoked sovereignty to withdraw from the institution
Atty. Joel Butuyan confirmed that Duterte’s arrest is legal, finding basis on national and international law (Duterte’s Arrest Complies With PH Law, Says ICC-accredited Filipino Lawyer, 2025)
while the Philippines’ withdrawal from the Statute took effect on 17 March 2019, the Court retains jurisdiction with respect to alleged crimes that occurred on the territory of the Philippines while it was a State Party (Situation in the Republic of the Philippines, n.d.)
[MATCHING TYPE] Constructive Perspective (Fehl, 2004; Leonard, 2005) on the international level:
the ICC maintains the primary attributes of sovereignty. However, this supreme authority only exists within the realm of humanitarian law and is applicable only to those situations where ICC jurisdiction exists
application:
while the Philippines remains sovereign and retains primary authority over its domestic affairs, its membership in the Rome Statute subjected it to international rules concerning humanitarian crimes and accountability