euro quiz 1.10-1.11

"All the dregs of humanity produced in the provinces make up the population of this city, and in this lies its greatness: not in fine buildings, and not in great merchants and thinkers and men of letters, as make Paris, London, Lisbon, and Amsterdam great cities; but in those of the lowest behavior and dishonesty, who, by intermarrying increase and multiply so that each generation is worse than the one before."

Bernardo Tanucci, satirical description of his home city of Naples, Italy, Epistolario, 1742

The growth of Naples' population as described by Tanucci is most likely a result of which of the following?

The expansion of commercial agriculture

"All the dregs of humanity produced in the provinces make up the population of this city, and in this lies its greatness: not in fine buildings, and not in great merchants and thinkers and men of letters, as make Paris, London, Lisbon, and Amsterdam great cities; but in those of the lowest behavior and dishonesty, who, by intermarrying increase and multiply so that each generation is worse than the one before."

Bernardo Tanucci, satirical description of his home city of Naples, Italy, Epistolario, 1742

Tanucci's opinion of the people of Naples most clearly exemplifies which of the following?

Concern about the erosion of traditional values as a result of urbanization

Based on the relationship between wages and prices shown in the table, in which period were living conditions for Antwerp stonemasons likely the most difficult?

1521-1542

The trends in wages and prices shown in the table were most directly the result of which of the following?

The development and growth of the money economy

Which of the following would indicate a limitation of the data as a basis for conclusions about the effect of economic changes on sixteenth-century workers?

The Antwerp stonemasons' guild was unusually powerful and was frequently able to bargain successfully for higher wages.

"[As to that] which causes money to rise or fall in value (namely, whether it is scarce and greatly needed, or abundant), money is worth more when and where it is scarce than where it is abundant. . . . The reasons for this opinion are as follows:

First, that this concept is common to all men, good and evil, throughout Christendom, and thus it would seem to be a law of God and Nature.

Second, and of great importance, that all merchandise becomes dearer when it is in great demand and short supply, and that money, in so far as it may be sold, bartered, or exchanged by some other form of contract, is merchandise and therefore also becomes dearer when it is in great demand and short supply.

Third, that (other things being equal) in countries where there is a great scarcity of money all other saleable goods, and even the hands and labor of men, are given for less money than where it is abundant. Thus we see by experience that in France, where money is scarcer than in Spain, bread, wine, cloth, and labor are worth much less. And even in Spain, in times when money was scarcer, saleable goods and labor were given for very much less than after the discovery of the Indies, which flooded the country with gold and silver. The reason for this is that money is worth more where and when it is scarce than where and when it is abundant."

Martín de Azpilcueta Navarro, Spanish theologian, Manual of Confessors and Penitents, Spain, 1556

Which of the following evidence does Azpilcueta give in his second point for money changing in value?

Money as a form of merchandise increases in value as supply decreases and demand increases.

"[As to that] which causes money to rise or fall in value (namely, whether it is scarce and greatly needed, or abundant), money is worth more when and where it is scarce than where it is abundant. . . . The reasons for this opinion are as follows:

First, that this concept is common to all men, good and evil, throughout Christendom, and thus it would seem to be a law of God and Nature.

Second, and of great importance, that all merchandise becomes dearer when it is in great demand and short supply, and that money, in so far as it may be sold, bartered, or exchanged by some other form of contract, is merchandise and therefore also becomes dearer when it is in great demand and short supply.

Third, that (other things being equal) in countries where there is a great scarcity of money all other saleable goods, and even the hands and labor of men, are given for less money than where it is abundant. Thus we see by experience that in France, where money is scarcer than in Spain, bread, wine, cloth, and labor are worth much less. And even in Spain, in times when money was scarcer, saleable goods and labor were given for very much less than after the discovery of the Indies, which flooded the country with gold and silver. The reason for this is that money is worth more where and when it is scarce than where and when it is abundant."

Martín de Azpilcueta Navarro, Spanish theologian, Manual of Confessors and Penitents, Spain, 1556

Which of the following evidence regarding France does Azpilcueta use to support his argument?

In France, where less money is available, goods and labor are given for less money.

"[As to that] which causes money to rise or fall in value (namely, whether it is scarce and greatly needed, or abundant), money is worth more when and where it is scarce than where it is abundant. . . . The reasons for this opinion are as follows:

First, that this concept is common to all men, good and evil, throughout Christendom, and thus it would seem to be a law of God and Nature.

Second, and of great importance, that all merchandise becomes dearer when it is in great demand and short supply, and that money, in so far as it may be sold, bartered, or exchanged by some other form of contract, is merchandise and therefore also becomes dearer when it is in great demand and short supply.

Third, that (other things being equal) in countries where there is a great scarcity of money all other saleable goods, and even the hands and labor of men, are given for less money than where it is abundant. Thus we see by experience that in France, where money is scarcer than in Spain, bread, wine, cloth, and labor are worth much less. And even in Spain, in times when money was scarcer, saleable goods and labor were given for very much less than after the discovery of the Indies, which flooded the country with gold and silver. The reason for this is that money is worth more where and when it is scarce than where and when it is abundant."

Martín de Azpilcueta Navarro, Spanish theologian, Manual of Confessors and Penitents, Spain, 1556

Which of the following evidence regarding Spain does Azpilcueta use to support his argument?

The cost of goods increased as a result of the influx of gold and silver from the Indies.

In early modern Europe, which of the following most directly undermined the guild system?

Entrepreneurial expansion of manufacturing into the countryside

Which of the following was a long-term trend that emerged in response to the economic patterns represented in the table?

Western European women began to delay marriage to limit the number of children they would have.

The pattern shown in the table was partly an effect of which of the following changes in the economy of western Europe?

The breakdown of traditional economic systems and the increasing commercialization of agriculture

Which of the following best explains the changes in wages for unskilled laborers indicated by the data in the table?

Population growth in a relatively stagnant economy

"The pasturing stock is allowed in peace to eat up the food on the pastures to its utmost limits, thus the stock returns more ample profit to the farmer. In managing arable lands, the farmer derives other solid advantages, such as security against trespass and adoption of correct crop rotation."

The eighteenth-century British quotation above is a justification for which of the following?

Enclosure of common lands

Which of the following best describes the enclosure movement?

The fencing of common farmland in England for private use

The image provides the clearest evidence for which of the following features of European expansion in the early modern period?

The spread of Christianity as a justification for the subjugation of indigenous peoples

"Religion supplies the pretext and gold the motive."

This statement was a contemporary characterization of

Spanish and Portuguese expansion in the New World

"Concerning the Times of Assembling at Church: That the churches be closed for the rest of the time [outside the time of services], in order that no one shall enter therein out of hours, impelled there to by superstition; and if anyone be found engaged in any special act of devotion therein or nearby he shall be admonished for it; if it be found to be of a superstitious nature for which simple correction is inadequate, then he shall be chastised.

Drunkenness: That taverns shall be closed during the sermon, under penalty that the tavern-keeper shall pay three sous, and whoever may be found therein shall pay the same amount.

If anyone be found intoxicated he shall pay for the first offense three sous and shall be remanded to the consistory [church council or governing body].

That no one shall make roiaumes [popular festivals] under penalty of 10 sous.

Songs and Dances: If anyone sings immoral, dissolute or outrageous songs, or dances the virollet or otherdance, he shall be put in prison for three days and then sent to the consistory.

Usury: That no one shall take interest or profit of more than five percent, upon penalty of confiscation of the principal and of being condemned to make restitution as the case may demand."

Ordinances of Calvinist Geneva, 1547

A historian could best use the ordinance about usury as an example of

a traditional restriction on market activities

The changing choice of subject matter by Dutch painters demonstrated in the table best reflects which of the following?

The outlook and values of Dutch commercial and bourgeois society

English entrepreneurs financed the establishment of New World colonies primarily through

private funds from the creation of joint-stock companies

Couples in early modern Europe generally put off marriage until they were, on average, in their mid- to late twenties because

they needed to acquire land or learn a trade before they could support a family

Peasant men in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Europe generally married in their late twenties primarily because

they wanted to first establish independent households

"In July, I went to Milan at the request of the illustrious Duke Galeazzo to stand godfather to his firstborn child. . . . We paid our due to the Duchess by presenting her with a necklace of gold and a large diamond, which cost near 2,000 [Venetian] ducats. The consequence was that the said Lord desired that I should stand godfather to all his children. . . .

To do as others had done, I held a joust in the Piazza Santa Croce [in Florence] at great expense and with great pomp. I think we spent about 10,000 ducats on that and, although I was not highly versed in the use of weapons and the delivery of blows, the first prize was given to me. . . .

Piero, our father, departed this life on July 2. . . . I find that from 1434 till now [our family] has spent large sums of money, as appear in a small notebook [found among my father's possessions]. Incredible are the sums written down. They amount to 663,755 [Florentine] florins given for alms, buildings, and taxes, let alone other expenses. But I do not regret this, for though many would consider it better to have that sum in their purse, I consider that it gave great honor to our State, and I think the money was well expended."

Lorenzo de' Medici, Florentine statesman, journal entries, 1469

Lorenzo de' Medici's interaction with the Duke and Duchess of Milan best illustrates which of the following social and cultural developments in Renaissance Italy?

The rising social prestige of the members of the commercial elite

"In July, I went to Milan at the request of the illustrious Duke Galeazzo to stand godfather to his firstborn child. . . . We paid our due to the Duchess by presenting her with a necklace of gold and a large diamond, which cost near 2,000 [Venetian] ducats. The consequence was that the said Lord desired that I should stand godfather to all his children. . . .

To do as others had done, I held a joust in the Piazza Santa Croce [in Florence] at great expense and with great pomp. I think we spent about 10,000 ducats on that and, although I was not highly versed in the use of weapons and the delivery of blows, the first prize was given to me. . . .

Piero, our father, departed this life on July 2. . . . I find that from 1434 till now [our family] has spent large sums of money, as appear in a small notebook [found among my father's possessions]. Incredible are the sums written down. They amount to 663,755 [Florentine] florins given for alms, buildings, and taxes, let alone other expenses. But I do not regret this, for though many would consider it better to have that sum in their purse, I consider that it gave great honor to our State, and I think the money was well expended."

Lorenzo de' Medici, Florentine statesman, journal entries, 1469

In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, which of the following most directly challenged the economic power of family-based banking houses, such as the one owned by the Medicis?

The spread of new mechanisms for raising capital, such as the joint-stock company

"14. We are prevented, in violation of the old customs, from gathering wood in the county's forest. In the old days we were free to go to the forests to fill our need for lumber and firewood, but in recent times our lords have abolished this ancient custom and we are now no longer permitted to gather wood in the forest as of old . . . .

15. Our lords do their hawking and hunting on our fields without showing consideration for the condition of our crops. We till our fields and meadows with great effort to fulfill our obligations to our lords and to nourish our wives and children. In return our lords and bailiffs ought to guard us and our property and protect us from harm. Instead, they ride and trample over our meadows and fields. . . .

23. Although we have for many years made annual payments of interest, dues, and rents to our lords, we confess that we do not know the origins of these payments, nor do we know for what reason we are obliged to make them, nor what obligations our lords owe us in return. . . . We ask that the lords be required to . . . show us credible documents stating why we must pay them and what duties the lords owe us in return."

Demands of the peasants of Stühlingen and Lupfen, southwestern Germany, presented to the Imperial Chamber Court, 1524

The tensions between lords and peasants implied by the demands were in part a result of which of the following demographic trends?

The recovery of population after the mortality associated with the Black Death

"14. We are prevented, in violation of the old customs, from gathering wood in the county's forest. In the old days we were free to go to the forests to fill our need for lumber and firewood, but in recent times our lords have abolished this ancient custom and we are now no longer permitted to gather wood in the forest as of old . . . .

15. Our lords do their hawking and hunting on our fields without showing consideration for the condition of our crops. We till our fields and meadows with great effort to fulfill our obligations to our lords and to nourish our wives and children. In return our lords and bailiffs ought to guard us and our property and protect us from harm. Instead, they ride and trample over our meadows and fields. . . .

23. Although we have for many years made annual payments of interest, dues, and rents to our lords, we confess that we do not know the origins of these payments, nor do we know for what reason we are obliged to make them, nor what obligations our lords owe us in return. . . . We ask that the lords be required to . . . show us credible documents stating why we must pay them and what duties the lords owe us in return."

Demands of the peasants of Stühlingen and Lupfen, southwestern Germany, presented to the Imperial Chamber Court, 1524

The list of demands is best understood as a response to which of the following?

Landowners' attempts to maximize their income

"14. We are prevented, in violation of the old customs, from gathering wood in the county's forest. In the old days we were free to go to the forests to fill our need for lumber and firewood, but in recent times our lords have abolished this ancient custom and we are now no longer permitted to gather wood in the forest as of old . . . .

15. Our lords do their hawking and hunting on our fields without showing consideration for the condition of our crops. We till our fields and meadows with great effort to fulfill our obligations to our lords and to nourish our wives and children. In return our lords and bailiffs ought to guard us and our property and protect us from harm. Instead, they ride and trample over our meadows and fields. . . .

23. Although we have for many years made annual payments of interest, dues, and rents to our lords, we confess that we do not know the origins of these payments, nor do we know for what reason we are obliged to make them, nor what obligations our lords owe us in return. . . . We ask that the lords be required to . . . show us credible documents stating why we must pay them and what duties the lords owe us in return."

Demands of the peasants of Stühlingen and Lupfen, southwestern Germany, presented to the Imperial Chamber Court, 1524

Conditions like the ones alluded to in the list of demands frequently encouraged peasants in the sixteenth century to do which of the following?

Mount armed revolts to gain relief from excessive taxes and restrictions

Demographic changes in late sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century Europe contributed to

price inflation and a decrease in real wages

The next questions refer to the following passage from a 2008 historical study.

"The Industrial Revolution, with its technology-driven economic growth, long stood as a formidable barrier to any effort [by historians] to search for economic growth based on any other factor or in any earlier period. Yet...decades of work on early modern European [economic history] have fundamentally challenged the conventional belief in a growthless, traditional economy. It is now sometimes conceded that substantial economic growth occurred before the technological breakthroughs of the Industrial Revolution....[Moreover, new data] on overall British economic performance during the classical Industrial Revolution era, 1760-1830, reduces [previous historians'] growth estimates by more than half. This slower macroeconomic growth bathes in a rather less luminous light the traditional arguments about the relative importance of technology in initiating modern economic growth in this era. It also reduces the contrast with earlier decades and thus makes pre-industrial Britain as well as several neighboring countries richer, more [developed] societies than has long been supposed."

Jan de Vries, historian of early modern Europe, The Industrious Revolution, 2008

The conventional view of pre-industrial economies as incapable of sustained economic growth was in part informed by which of the following assumptions?

Before the middle of the eighteenth century, the European population was subject to Malthusian crises.

Which of the following was the most important factor behind the Price Revolution of the sixteenth century?

Steady population growth and rising food costs

Italian society differed from the rest of Europe during the Renaissance in which of the following ways?

Number of urban commercial centers

In seventeenth-century western Europe, marriage patterns showed a tendency toward

relatively late first marriages by non-noble women

The major drawback of the open-field (threefield) agricultural system was that

every year a substantial portion of the land was not planted

Which of the following was the most direct cause of the change in typical working hours between 1500 and 1750?

The lifting of traditional restrictions on economic activity as part of the growth of a market economy