Social class identities

According to Marxism, how are social class identities determined and socialised?

According to Marxism, our identity is determined by our social class. This class identity is single (predominates over other sources of identity) and fixed (does not change). It is taught through agents of socialisation (family, education, media) who transmit dominant ideology and teach identities suitable for our class.

What did Acheson (1998) find regarding social class identities and demographic differences?

Acheson (1998) showed that life chances for the top two classes were considerably better than for the bottom two classes (e.g., life expectancy was five years longer for men). This has led to class polarisation. Although society as a whole is better off, social mobility has stagnated over the last 30 years.

How does Bourdieu's theory (Marxism) connect social class identity with cultural capital and 'taste'?

Bourdieu argued that while social class is traditionally measured by occupation, income, and wealth, it is increasingly important to consider class cultures. As traditional jobs decline, the importance of cultural capital as a signifier of social class difference becomes ever more prominent.

How does Lawler (2005) expand on Bourdieu's concept of 'taste' in relation to middle-class identity?

Lawler (2005) uses Bourdieu's concept of 'taste,' explaining how it becomes a symbol of middle-class identity and a basis for establishing differences and judging others. Through taste, the middle class asserts superiority over working-class subculture, often viewing the working class as 'worthless, inferior, disgusting, threatening, and wearing bad clothes.'

How does Jones (1995) support Lawler's observations on inter-class relations?

Jones (1995) supports Lawler's view, noting that the middle class is seen to sneer at and ridicule the white working class, treating them as 'scum of the earth,' and demonizing and stereotyping them as 'chavs.'

What did Bennett et al (2009) discover about the relationship between class and culture using a 'three-class' model?

Using a 'three-class' model (Professional Executive Class, Intermediate Class, Working Class), Bennett et al (2009) found a strong relationship between class and culture. The highest class was strongly associated with participation in high culture and tended to be cultural omnivores, including popular culture (though they watched little reality TV). Working-class individuals participated little in high culture, primarily engaging in popular/mass culture. Tastes also varied, with the highest class eating in French restaurants more often, while the lowest class more frequently ate Fish and Chips.

What did McKenzie et al (2006) find despite the decline of traditional working-class industries?

McKenzie et al (2006) argues that despite the decline of traditional manufacturing since the 1970s and 1980s, redundant steel workers retained a strong sense of belonging to the working class, along with a powerful sense of identity and solidarity with workmates. They also perceived society as strongly divided between a disadvantaged working class and a powerful ruling class, a class divide that has continued with widely expressed hostility towards groups like bankers who pay little tax.

According to Marxism, how are social class identities determined and socialised?

According to Marxism, our identity is determined by our social class. This class identity is single (predominates over other sources of identity) and fixed (does not change). It is taught through agents of socialisation (family, education, media) who transmit dominant ideology and teach identities suitable for our class.

What did Acheson (1998) find regarding social class identities and demographic differences?

Acheson (1998) showed that life chances for the top two classes were considerably better than for the bottom two classes (e.g., life expectancy was five years longer for men). This has led to class polarisation. Although society as a whole is better off, social mobility has stagnated over the last 30 years.

How does Bourdieu's theory (Marxism) connect social class identity with cultural capital and 'taste'?

Bourdieu argued that while social class is traditionally measured by occupation, income, and wealth, it is increasingly important to consider class cultures. As traditional jobs decline, the importance of cultural capital as a signifier of social class difference becomes ever more prominent.

How does Lawler (2005) expand on Bourdieu's concept of 'taste' in relation to middle-class identity?

Lawler (2005) uses Bourdieu's concept of 'taste,' explaining how it becomes a symbol of middle-class identity and a basis for establishing differences and judging others. Through taste, the middle class asserts superiority over working-class subculture, often viewing the working class as 'worthless, inferior, disgusting, threatening, and wearing bad clothes.'

How does Jones (1995) support Lawler's observations on inter-class relations?

Jones (1995) supports Lawler's view, noting that the middle class is seen to sneer at and ridicule the white working class, treating them as 'scum of the earth,' and demonizing and stereotyping them as 'chavs.'

What did Bennett et al (2009) discover about the relationship between class and culture using a 'three-class' model?

Using a 'three-class' model (Professional Executive Class, Intermediate Class, Working Class), Bennett et al (2009) found a strong relationship between class and culture. The highest class was strongly associated with participation in high culture and tended to be cultural omnivores, including popular culture (though they watched little reality TV). Working-class individuals participated little in high culture, primarily engaging in popular/mass culture. Tastes also varied, with the highest class eating in French restaurants more often, while the lowest class more frequently ate Fish and Chips.

What did McKenzie et al (2006) find despite the decline of traditional working-class industries?

McKenzie et al (2006) argues that despite the decline of traditional manufacturing since the 1970s and 1980s, redundant steel workers retained a strong sense of belonging to the working class, along with a powerful sense of identity and solidarity with workmates. They also perceived society as strongly divided between a disadvantaged working class and a powerful ruling class, a class divide that has continued with widely expressed hostility towards groups like bankers who pay little tax.

According to Clarke & Saunders (1991), how has postmodernism led to the fragmentation of social class identities?

Clarke and Saunders (1991) argue that social class is of declining importance as a source of identity due to the fragmentation of identity into a range of groups (e.g., gender, sexuality, ethnicity, lifestyle, religion). Identity is now increasingly formed through consumption. They attribute this breakdown of class divisions to: 1. Decline of manual labor, 2. Increasing access to education, 3. Mass media satirizing class divisions, 4. Less stigma attached to working-class identity through popular culture, and 5. More disposable income allowing consumption of traditionally associated goods.

How do Pakulski & Waters (1996) argue that social class is 'dead' as a source of identity?

Pakulski and Waters (1996) argue that social class is no longer an important factor in personal identity, having been replaced by lifestyle and consumption patterns within different status groups. Class identity has fragmented into numerous separate identities, especially among young people who have more choice in constructing their identity through factors like sexuality, gender, and ethnicity. They contend that consumer culture, influenced heavily by media (music, fashion, entertainment), has replaced class culture as the major influence on identity. However, Devine (1997) countered this, concluding that class identity was still much stronger than identity based on consumption and leisure.

From a feminist perspective, what is considered a more important source of identity than social class?

Feminists argue that gender is a more important source of identity than social class. Other theorists might also emphasize other social identities such as ethnicity or nationality over class.

According to Lash & Urry (1987), how have class subcultures changed in postmodernism?

Lash and Urry (1987) suggest that class subcultures have weakened, leading to cultural choices, tastes, and lifestyles becoming much more individualistic. They argue that identities have become considerably more fluid and changeable in postmodern society.

What is Bradley's (1996) balanced view on the relationship between class and identity?

Bradley (1996) takes a balanced view, accepting that class has become a weaker source of identity in the contemporary UK, despite the widening gap and increasing polarization between the rich and poor. She argues that class is still important, but other identities (gender, ethnicity, sexuality) are increasingly significant, meaning no single identity dominates. The idea of a single, collective working-class identity has diminished, replaced by fragmented identities composed of multiple 'pieces' or 'fragments'.

What empirical evidence did Savage et al. (2001) provide regarding 'passive class identities'?

Savage et al. (2001) provided empirical evidence supporting Bradley's concept of passive class identity. Their survey found that: 1. Most of the sample believed class divisions still existed in Britain, 2. Few were willing to define themselves in terms of class, and 3. They preferred to see themselves as individuals, indicating a rise of individualism.