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According to Sonam Tsemo as summarized by Van Schaik, or according to the Dalai Lama, describe how the path of tantra (or Vajrayāna) is considered both compatible with yet different in certain respects from that of sūtra (i.e., the practice of the “perfections” in Mahāyāna Buddhism).
Compatibility:
According to Sonam Tsemo, as summarized in the source, Vajrayana is considered an extension of the Mahayana.
He argues that Vajrayana is not a separate vehicle ranked above the Mahayana, but rather a part of it.
The basic concepts and aspirations of the tantras overlap with the sutras.
The great compassion and wisdom of the Mahayana are taken as the basis of the Vajrayana as well.
The practice of Vajrayana begins with the Mahayana practices described in previous chapters, such as developing the awakening mind.
Differences in Practice:
The distinction between Vajrayana (tantra) and the path of the perfections (sūtra/Mahayana) is mainly in the practices taught, or more specifically, between the practices of the perfections and the practice of the secret mantra.
Tantras teach practices not present in the sūtras, such as the visualization of mandalas of deities and the recitation of mantras. Ritual accoutrements like the vajra and bell, as well as initiation ceremonies, are also specific to Vajrayana.
A fundamental difference is between the practice of rejection (in the path of perfections) and the practice of acceptance (in the practice of secret mantra).
In the practices of the perfections, the five 'objects of desire' are considered the basis of samsara and are to be renounced, using contemplations as 'antidotes'.
In the practice of the secret mantra, the basis (the five objects of desire) is not to be abandoned; instead, one's emotional reactions are directly transformed. Sonam Tsemo explains that it is erroneous concepts based on objects, not the objects themselves, that cause enslavement. When these concepts are abandoned, objects become causes of liberation.
This transformation means the 'five poisons' become five aspects of wisdom, and in a state of non-conceptualization, the objects of senses are experienced as joyful.
Further Differences (Process and Result):
While the end result is the same, the practices of the secret mantra are said to achieve it much more quickly. This is one reason Vajrayana is known as 'the vehicle of the result'.
Another reason for this name is that Vajrayana takes the result—the state of being a buddha—as the basis for the practices themselves.
Entry into Vajrayana meditation practice requires an initiation ceremony. In this ceremony, the master blesses the student's body, speech, and mind, and the deity becomes immanent in the student, which is the basis for subsequent meditation practice.
Regular daily practice, known as sadhana, involves visualizing the deity and reciting mantras. This practice aims to overturn the conceptualization of things as 'ordinary'. Sadhana is divided into two stages: development (cultivating identification with the deity) and completion (focusing on internal energies).
Vajrayana practice involves a continuing commitment to special vows known as samaya. The fundamental vow is not to think ill of the lama, as the lama represents the enlightened state and is the connection to the deity.
Identify 2-3 episodes associated with Guru Nanak’s traditional biography as introduced by Hawley and explain what is significant about the events you choose to interpret. What might they suggest about Sikh religious perspectives?
Episode: Traditional biographies describe Guru Nanak disappearing into the Vein river near Sultanpur and being presumed drowned. After three days, he reappeared, transformed, and immediately began his ministry.
Key Event: Upon reappearing, Guru Nanak declared, "There is neither Hindu nor Muslim"
Significance:
This event is seen as Guru Nanak's initiation or "baptism"
It marks a moment of transformation before he began publicly sharing his message
The declaration "There is neither Hindu nor Muslim" is highly significant. It suggests that Nanak was not concerned with mediating between existing religious ideas but rather showing how both religions fell short of the truth. His message is presented as encompassing or transcending them, establishing a "greater reality"
The event is framed in language similar to Hindu worship, with Nanak receiving "divine grace" (prasad) before leaving. However, the experience is described as an aural, interior one focused on the divine Name, rather than a visual, external ritual, transforming traditional notions. This suggests the significance of the inner experience and divine Name in Sikh religious perspective.
Episode: While traveling, a traditional account says Guru Nanak visited Mecca, the sacred center of Islam. He fell asleep with his feet pointing towards the Ka'ba, which is considered offensive.
Key Event: When an irate religious official discovered this and rotated Nanak's feet away from the Ka'ba, the niche in the mosque indicating the direction of Mecca (the qibla) rotated with them
Significance:
This miracle is described as making it "clear who was honoring whom", demonstrating Guru Nanak's divine power or status.
It suggests the universality of Guru Nanak's message, implying that the divine presence was where Nanak was, regardless of the designated religious direction
Hagiographers used this story (and similar ones like the Baghdad episode) to show Nanak's superiority, particularly over the Muslims, who were seen as the most threatening religious group. This highlights a perspective within traditional Sikh accounts that emphasizes the unique and elevated nature of Nanak's teaching relative to other faiths.
Episode: One traditional story recounts Guru Nanak encountering Sheikh Sajjan, who presented himself as a religious figure (building a temple and a mosque) but was actually a bandit who tricked and robbed travelers
Key Event: Nanak exposed Sajjan's deception and converted him, leading Sajjan to give away his ill-gotten gains
Significance:
This episode suggests that Guru Nanak's message provides "new life" to those caught in hypocrisy or institutions that have become corrupt or merely external
It reinforces the idea that Nanak's message was more fundamental than either established temple or mosque
The account also notes that Guru Nanak's clothing combined elements of both Hindu ascetics (saffron robe, wooden sandals, bone necklace, forehead mark) and Sufi faqirs (white caftan, slippers, waistcloth, hat). This composite attire visually represented his stance of being "neither and both", a point the hagiographers emphasized. It signifies that his path transcended but also incorporated aspects of existing traditions, suggesting a unique synthesis in Sikh religious identity.
Choose two of the figures introduced in the selections from Figures of Buddhist Modernity in Asia and describe how they represent something about Japanese religious identity and practice in the contemporary period. To what degree do certain features of their lives or work reflect their status as Buddhist practitioners?
Toshiya Unebe: Representing the Family-Temple System in Contemporary Japanese Buddhism
Unebe is a Jodo Shinshu priest in urban Japan.
His life as a priest, father, husband, and professor reflects the typical life of a Mahayana Jodo Shinshu priest since the 19th century, where most priests have held secular jobs, had families, and used their temples as family homes
This highlights the family-temple structure as a defining feature of contemporary Japanese Buddhist identity and practice.... It is described as the most common life for a Buddhist priest in Japan, though perhaps not what one initially imagines
His situation reveals common challenges for priests of family temples, such as succession, property ownership, and the tension between maintaining tradition and allowing children freedom of choice
Becoming a priest in this context is often presented as a product of family legacy and reflection on scripture, rather than solely an individual spiritual choice or ascetic path
How his life reflects his status as a Buddhist practitioner:
His role as a Shin priest is tied to his family lineage and temple ownership
Shin priests, unlike monks in some traditions, do not maintain traditional monastic vows; they can drink alcohol, marry, wear robes only for ceremonies, and grow their hair. Unebe embodies this lifestyle, combining his priestly duties with family life and a secular profession
His sons' temporary ordination highlights how even traditional rites can be framed as "choices" in the contemporary setting
He engages in Buddhist practice through his academic study of Pali and Thai Buddhist manuscripts
He views his family temple as a retreat for members of the community, showing a practical aspect of his religious role and the temple's function
Kaneta Taiō: Representing Engaged Social Action and Adaptation in Contemporary Japanese Buddhism
Kaneta is a Soto Zen priest
He is prominently featured for his role in the Buddhist response to the March 11, 2011 earthquake and tsunami disasters
His actions during the crisis included participating in funerals, volunteering at a crematorium, chanting sutras, mobilizing volunteers, organizing rituals, sharing supplies, and providing shelter at his temple
His self-understanding as a Buddhist priest is derived from practice rather than intellectual orthodoxy
He demonstrates a key characteristic of contemporary practice: the ability to respond to community needs regardless of sectarian affiliation
His work represents a shift towards socially engaged Buddhism, moving beyond traditional ritualistic functions to active community welfare
How his work reflects his status as a Buddhist practitioner:
His motivation for his extensive relief efforts is rooted in his identity as a Buddhist priest driven to alleviate suffering
He integrates traditional Buddhist practices like chanting sutras and organizing rituals into his relief work
His innovative approaches, such as the "Cafe de Monk" mobile counseling service (a bus offering coffee, cake, jazz, and a listening space), adapt religious care to modern needs for emotional support and informal conversation. This reflects a move towards the "clinicization of Buddhism" and "practical religious studies"
He emphasizes practical help and listening as central to counseling post-disaster
His willingness to collaborate with medical doctors, social workers, and practitioners from other religions ("Kokoro no Sodanshitsu") highlights a contemporary trend towards interdisciplinary and transreligious cooperation in religious practice, often requiring volunteers to deemphasize sectarian distinctions
Based on the film “Shugendō Now” and the accompanying essays and course materials, why was Shugendō banned during the Meiji period of modern Japanese history? In what ways does its contemporary form continue to reflect long-standing Japanese religious concerns, and how has Shugendō adapted to serve the needs of modern Japanese? answer this in short, minimal bullet points
Contemporary Shugendō continues to reflect long-standing Japanese religious concerns:
It draws upon and integrates elements from traditional Kami worship/Shintō, Buddhism (especially Esoteric Buddhism), Shamanism, and Daoism
Practice is centered on sacred mountains, continuing the historical view of mountains as dwelling places for Kami and divinities
The core ritual involves "entering the mountain" for purification and to acquire religious power
It incorporates Buddhist concepts like the purification of the Six Roots of Perception ("Rokkon shojo"), the Lotus flower as a symbol of enlightenment, and Mandalas mapped onto the landscape
Pilgrims seek blessings, express gratitude for blessings received, and aim to overcome personal blockages
Rituals like appeasement rites for spirits are still practiced
The tradition emphasizes the connection between humans and the natural environment, viewing the numinous as present in nature
Shugendō has adapted to serve the needs of modern Japanese:
It addresses the socio-economic and existential anxieties of modern urban dwellers, offering a response to issues like joblessness, depression, and lack of fulfillment, particularly highlighted during Japan's "Lost Decades" and "temporality of no hope"
It provides a path for reconnecting with nature and community amidst urbanization and alienation
Practitioners and priests use modern media and the Internet to increase accessibility and participation for lay people
Leaders blend traditional practice with contemporary environmental concerns (e.g., "eco-pilgrimage")
Participation is motivated by the desire for an enjoyable, challenging experience and friendship, alongside spiritual goals
The practice is framed as relevant to daily urban life, seeking to integrate mountain lessons with city experiences
The study guide itself is structured for diverse modern audiences with varying levels of background knowledge