Cicero, Pro Milone - All Translations of Sections 1-6, 24-71

etsi vereor, iudices, ne turpe sit pro fortissimo viro dicere incipientem timere minimeque deceat, cum T. Annius ipse magis de rei publicae salute quam de sua perturbetur, me ad eius causam parem animi magnitudinem adferre non posse, [1]

Although I fear, judges, that it is unseemly for someone beginning to speak on behalf of a very brave man to be afraid, and it is not right, when T. Annius himself was disturbed more for the safety of the republic than for his own, that I am not able to bring equal greatness of mind to his cause;

tamen haec novi iudici nova forma terret oculos qui, quocumque inciderunt, veterem consuetudinem fori et pristinum morem iudiciorum requirunt. [1]

however, this new type of judgement frightens my eyes which, wherever they happen to be, look for the old custom of the forum, and the pristine tradition of judgements.

non enim corona consessus vester cinctus est, ut solebat; non usitata frequentia stipati sumus; [1]

For your gathering has not been surrounded by a ring of supporters, as it used to be; we have not been crowded together by the usual throng.

non illa praesidia quae pro templis omnibus cernitis, etsi contra vim conlocata sunt, non adferunt tamen oratori terroris aliquid, ut in foro et in iudicio, quamquam praesidiis salutaribus et necessariis saepti sumus, tamen ne non timere quidem sine aliquo timore possimus. [2]

Nor are those guards which you see in front of all the temples, although they are placed against violence, they do not however bring an element of fear to the orator, so that in this forum and in this lawcourt, although we have been enclosed by garrisons, themselves protective and necessary, we, however, are able not even to not be afraid without a certain fear.

quae si opposita Miloni putarem, cederem tempori, iudices, nec enim inter tantam vim armorum existimarem esse orationi locum. [2]

Which, if I thought these garrisons were opposed to Milo, I would withdraw at the right time, judges.

sed me recreat et reficit Cn. Pompei, sapientissimi et iustissimi viri, consilium, qui profecto nec iustitiae suae putaret esse, quem reum sententiis iudicum tradidisset, eundem telis militum dedere, nec sapientiae temeritatem concitatae multitudinis auctoritate publica armare. [2]

But the advice of G. Pompeius, a most clever and just man, revives and restores me; a man who would undoubtedly think it not just to hand over to the same man weapons of the army, whom as a defendant had handed over to the sentence of the judges; nor would he think it wise to arm the recklessness of the roused mob with public authority.

quam ob rem illa arma, centuriones, cohortes non periculum nobis, sed praesidium denuntiant, neque solum ut quieto, sed etiam ut magno animo simus hortantur, nec auxilium modo defensioni meae verum etiam silentium pollicentur. [3]

On this matter, those weapons, centurions and cohorts announced not danger for us, but safety, and they urge us not only to have a quiet soul, but also a great soul, and not only help for my defence, but truly even silence.

reliqua vero multitudo, quae quidem est civium, tota nostra est, nec eorum quisquam quos undique intuentis, unde aliqua fori pars aspici potest, et huius exitum iudici exspectantis videtis, non cum virtuti Milonis favet, tum de se, de liberis suis, de patria, de fortunis hodierno die decertari putat. [3]

The remaining crowd, which was of citizens, is entirely ours, nor is anyone of those whom you see gazing on all sides, from where any part of the forum can be seen, and whom you see waiting for the outcome of the judgement, both not favouring the virtue of Milo, but thinking about himself, about his children, about his fatherland, and about his fortune that it is being disputed on this day.

Unum genus est adversum infestumque nobis eorum, quos P. Clodii furor rapinis et incendiis et omnibus exitiis publicis pavit; qui hesterna etiam contione incitati sunt, ut vobis voce praeirent quid iudicaretis: quorum clamor si qui forte fuerit, admonere vos debebit, ut eum civem retineatis, qui semper genus illud hominum clamoresque maximos prae vestra salute neglexit. [3]

There is one type of them, contrary and hostile to us, whom the anger of Clodius had nourished with plunder and fires and public destruction, who, during yesterday's trial, were urged to pre-empt you with your voice, as to what you might judge; of which should any shout occur by chance, it would bound you to admonish, that you should keep that citizen, he who always neglected this type of man, and the greatest shouts, before your safety.

quam ob rem adeste animis, iudices, et timorem, si quem habetis, deponite. [4]

Therefore be present with your minds, judges, and if you have it, place aside your fear.

nam si umquam de bonis et fortibus viris, si umquam de bene meritis civibus potestas vobis iudicandi fuit, si denique umquam locus amplissimorum ordinum delectis viris datus est ut sua studia erga fortis et bonos civis, quae voltu et verbis saepe significassent, re et sententiis declararent, hoc profecto tempore eam potestatem omnem vos habetis ut statuatis utrum nos qui semper vestrae auctoritati dediti fuimus semper miseri lugeamus an diu vexati a perditissimis civibus aliquando per vos ac per vestram fidem, virtutem sapientiamque recreemur. [4]

For if ever there was the power of judging in you, about good and brave men, about well-deserving citizens, if there was ever finally a given place to chosen men of the highest order, so that they could declare their own zeal towards good and brave men, by action and opinion, which they had shown through their face and words often, certainly at this time you have all of that power, so that you might decide whether we, who always had been given over to that devotion to your authority, would lament always, or, having been disturbed by the most troublesome citizens for a long time, at some point through you and through your loyalty and your virtue and your wisdom, we have been renewed.

quid enim nobis duobus, iudices, laboriosius, quid magis sollicitum, magis exercitum dici aut fingi potest, qui spe amplissimorum praemiorum ad rem publicam adducti metu crudelissimorum suppliciorum carere non possumus? [5]

For what, oh judges, can be spoken or invented, which is more laborious, that is more worrying, more exercised, for us two, that is more long-suffering, more harassed, and more sorely tried, led by hope to the highest gain of the republic, are not able to avoid fear of the most-cruel punishment?

equidem ceteras tempestates et procellas in illis dumtaxat fluctibus contionum semper putavi Miloni esse subeundas, quia semper pro bonis contra improbos senserat, in iudicio vero et in eo consilio in quo ex coniunctis ordinibus amplissimi viri iudicarent numquam existimavi spem ullam esse habituros Milonis inimicos ad eius non modo salutem exstinguendam sed etiam gloriam per talis viros infringendam. [5]

Truly, I always thought that the other storms and other hurricanes, must be undergone by Milo, at least within the context of public meetings, he always had sympathies on behalf of the loyal men, certainly in this judgement, and in that chamber in which the most distinguished men judged from their joined ranks, never did I think that any hope would be held by the enemies of Milo, the safety of whom would not only be destroyed, but even his glory weakened through such men.

quamquam in hac causa iudices, T. Anni tribunatu rebusque omnibus pro salute rei publicae gestis ad huius criminis defensionem non abutemur . [6]

Although in this case, Judges, we will not abuse the tribuneship of Titus Annius and all the matters and deeds for the safety of the republic for the defence of this charge.

Nisi oculis videritis insidias Miloni a Clodio esse factas, nec deprecaturi sumus ut crimen hoc nobis propter multa praeclara in rem publicam merita condonetis , nec postulaturi ut, quia mors P. Clodi salus vestra fuerit, idcirco eam virtuti Milonis potius quam populi Romani felicitati adsignetis. [6]

Unless you had seen with your eyes the plot against Milo be done by Clodius, neither will we beg that this charge merits absolution because of great fame for us in the republic, nor will we ask that, because the death of P. Clodius was our salvation, therefore it points more to the virtue of Milo than to the happiness of the Roman people.

sin illius insidiae clariores hac luce fuerint, tum denique obsecrabo obtestaborque vos, iudices, si cetera amisimus, hoc nobis saltem ut relinquatur, vitam ab inimicorum audacia telisque ut impune liceat defendere. [6]

If his plots became clearer than light, thereafter I will entreat and appeal to you, judges, if we lost the rest, that this at least be left to us, that it be allowed for us to defend our lives from the audacity and weapons of our enemies with impunity.

P. Clodius, cum statuisset omni scelere in praetura vexare rem publicam videretque ita tracta esse comitia anno superiore ut non multos mensis praeturam gerere posset, qui non honoris gradum spectaret, ut ceteri, sed et L. Paulum conlegam effugere vellet, singulari virtute civem, et annum integrum ad dilacerandam rem publicam quaereret, subito reliquit annum suum seseque in proximum transtulit, non, ut fit, religione aliqua, sed ut haberet, quod ipse dicebat, ad praeturam gerendam, hoc est ad evertendam rem publicam, plenum annum atque integrum. [24]

Publius Clodius, when he stood to ravage the republic with all wickedness in his praetorship, and when he saw, in this way, that the elections were slow in the previous year, so that he was not able to bear the praetorship for many more months, as he did not observe any degree of honour, as the rest did, but wished to flee his colleague Lucius Paulus, a citizen of remarkable virtue, and seek the destruction of the entire republic , he suddenly left in his own year, and transferred it into the nearest, not, as it happened, for some religious commitment, but in order that he had, as he himself said, a full and entire year to bear the praetorship - this was to be used for the overthrowing of the republic.

occurrebat ei mancam ac debilem praeturam futuram suam consule Milone; eum porro summo consensu populi Romani consulem fieri videbat. [25]

It occurred to him that his future praetorship would be maimed and crippled with Milo as consul; besides, he saw that he would be made consul with the entire consensus of the Roman people.

contulit se ad eius competitores, sed ita totam ut petitionem ipse solus etiam invitis illis gubernaret, tota ut comitia suis, ut dictitabat, umeris sustineret. [25]

He conferred himself to his competitors, but, in this way, entirely in order to govern the vote alone, against the will of those men, and entirely so that the elections were, as he said, bore entirely with his own shoulders.

convocabat tribus, se interponebat, Collinam novam dilectu perditissimorum civium conscribebat. [25]

He called together the tribes, setting himself between them, and he ascribed a new Colline tribe by the recruitment of the most desparate citizens.

quanto ille plura miscebat, tanto hic magis in dies convalescebat. [25]

He himself mixed many into this great tribe, and the other grew with more power in the following days.

Vbi vidit homo ad omne facinus paratissimus fortissimum virum, inimicissimum suum, certissimum consulem, idque intellexit non solum sermonibus, sed etiam suffragiis populi Romani saepe esse declaratum, palam agere coepit et aperte dicere occidendum Milonem. [25]

When he, most prepared for every disaster, saw the man, that most brave of men, his greatest enemy, confirmed as consul, and he understood that it was not alone declared by gossip, but by even the vote of the Roman people, he began to act openly, and to publicly speak of the death of Milo.

servos agrestis et barbaros, quibus silvas publicas depopulatus erat Etruriamque vexarat, ex Appennino deduxerat, quos videbatis. [26]

The slaves of the fields and the barbarians, with whom he despoiled the public woods and vexed Eturia, he led out of Appenius, which you saw.

res erat minime obscura. [26]

Scarcely was this thing concealed.

etenim dictitabat palam consulatum Miloni eripi non posse, vitam posse. [26]

For truly he said openly that he could not snatch the consulship away from Milo, but he could snatch away his life.

significavit hoc saepe in senatu, dixit in contione; quin etiam M. Favonio, fortissimo viro, quaerenti ex eo qua spe fureret Milone vivo, respondit triduo illum aut summum quadriduo esse periturum; quam vocem eius ad hunc M. Catonem statim Favonius detulit. [26]

He indicated this often in the senate, he said it in the assembly; why, even to M. Favonio, a most brave man, when he asked him with what hope he did this when Milo was alive, replied that he would be dead in three or at most four days; which saying of his Favonius at once brought to this here M. Cato.

interim cum sciret Clodius—neque enim erat id difficile scire a Lanuvinis —iter sollemne, legitimum, necessarium ante diem xiii Kalendas Februarias Miloni esse Lanuvium ad flaminem prodendum, quod erat dictator Lanuvi Milo, Roma subito ipse profectus pridie est ut ante suum fundum, quod re intellectum est, Miloni insidias conlocaret; atque ita profectus est ut contionem turbulentam in qua eius furor desideratus est, quae illo ipso die habita est, relinqueret, quam, nisi obire facinoris locum tempusque voluisset, numquam reliquisset. [27]

Meanwhile, as Clodius knew - for nor was this difficult to learn about Lanuvinus - Milo had to take an annual, legitimate, necessary journey before the 18th of January to Lanuvium to appoint a priest, because Milo was the governor in Lanuvium, suddenly he on the day before set forth from Rome, as was shown by the matter, he arranged a trap for Milo in front of the assembly; and thus he set out that the disturbed assembly in which his madness was missed, which was held that very day, which, unless he wanted to go for a crime at that time and place, he would never have left behind.

Milo autem cum in senatu fuisset eo die quoad senatus est dimissus, domum venit, calceos et vestimenta mutavit, paulisper, dum se uxor, ut fit, comparat, commoratus est, dein profectus id temporis cum iam Clodius, si quidem eo die Romam venturus erat, redire potuisset. [28]

Milo however since he had been in the senate that day, until the senate has been dismissed, went home, changed his shoes and his clothes, remained for a little while, then joined his wife, as she was getting ready, then set out at that time when now Clodius, if indeed that day he had come to Rome, could have returned.

obviam fit ei Clodius, expeditus, in equo, nulla raeda, nullis impedimentis, nullis Graecis comitibus, ut solebat, sine uxore, quod numquam fere: cum hic insidiator, qui iter illud ad caedem faciendam apparasset, cum uxore veheretur in raeda, paenulatus, magno et impedito et muliebri ac delicato ancillarum puerorumque comitatu. [28]

Clodius came to meet him, unimpeded, on a horse, with no carriage, no baggage, no Greek allies, as he was accustomed to, no wife, which he never did: with this ambusher, who had prepared that journey needing to make slaughter, with his wife being conveyed in a carriage, in travelling dress, accompanied by great baggage and womanly and charming slave girls and boys.

fit obviam Clodio ante fundum eius hora fere undecima aut non multo secus. [29]

He met with Cloduius outside of his farm at the eleventh hour, or not much later.

statim complures cum telis in hunc faciunt de loco superiore impetum; adversi raedarium occidunt. [29]

At once very many men with weapons here made an attack from the higher ground; the men who were in front killed the coach driver.

cum autem hic de raeda reiecta paenula desiluisset seque acri animo defenderet, illi qui erant cum Clodio gladiis eductis, partim recurrere ad raedam ut a tergo Milonem adorirentur, partim, quod hunc iam interfectum putarent, caedere incipiunt eius servos qui post erant; ex quibus qui animo fideli in dominum et praesenti fuerunt, partim occisi sunt, partim, cum ad raedam pugnari viderent, domino succurrere prohiberentur, Milonem occisum et ex ipso Clodio audirent et re vera putarent, fecerunt id servi Milonis—dicam enim aperte non derivandi criminis causa, sed ut factum est—nec imperante nec sciente nec praesente domino, quod suos quisque servos in tali re facere voluisset. [29]

When however he dismounted the carriage, with the travelling-cloak thrown back, defending himself with a sharp mind, they who were with Clodius having drawn swords, some of them ran back towards his carriage in order to attack Μilo from behind, and some, because they thought milo was now dead, began to slaughter his slaves who were behind; out of whom those with present minds and loyalty for their master, some were killed, some, when they saw the fight by the carriage, were prevented from helping their master, they heard from Clodius himself that Milo was dead and thought the thing was true, the slaves of Milo - I say this openly for the sake of not turning away from the deed, but it happened- neither with an order nor with order nor with the presence of their master, what everyone would wish his slaves to do in such a thing.

haec sicuti exposui ita gesta sunt, iudices: insidiator superatus est, vi victa vis vel potius oppressa virtute audacia est. [30]

The same as this which I exposed thus was waged, judges: the lurker was overpowered, strength overcame strength or power with virtue overcame audacity.

nihil dico quid res publica consecuta sit, nihil quid vos, nihil quid omnes boni: nihil sane id prosit Miloni, qui hoc fato natus est ut ne se quidem servare potuerit quin una rem publicam vosque servaret. [30]

I say nothing about what the republic, you, all good men gained: nothing that benefits Milo, who was born with this fate that he could not even save himself without as one thing saving the republic and you.

si id iure fieri non potuit, nihil habeo quod defendam. [30]

If he was not justified to do this, I have nothing to defend.

sin hoc et ratio doctis et necessitas barbaris et mos gentibus et feris natura ipsa praescripsit ut omnem semper vim quacumque ope possent a corpore, a capite, a vita sua propulsarent, non potestis hoc facinus improbum iudicare quin simul iudicetis omnibus qui in latrones inciderint aut illorum telis aut vestris sententiis esse pereundum. [30]

But if reason learned men and necessity to barbarians and custom to the peoples and nature itself to the beasts has taught this, that always by whatever strength they have to ward off violence from their bodies, their heads, their lives, you cannot judge this a wicked deed, without at the same time judging that all those who cut into thieves either by their weapons or by your sentence must perish.

quod si ita putasset, certe optabilius Miloni fuit dare iugulum P. Clodio, non semel ab illo neque tum primum petitum, quam iugulari a vobis, quia se non iugulandum illi tradidisset. [31]

Which if this was thought thus, certainly it would have been more desirable for Milo to give his throat to P. Clodius, not attacked by him one or for the first time, rather than to be destroyed by you, because he did not give himself over to him to be slaughtered.

sin hoc nemo vestrum ita sentit, illud iam in iudicium venit, non occisusne sit, quod fatemur, sed iure an iniuria, quod multis in causis saepe quaesitum est. [31]

But if there is no one of you who feels this, that now in the court is not whether he was killed, as we acknowledge, but with justice or in an unjust manner, which in cases is often asked about.

insidias factas esse constat, et id est quod senatus contra rem publicam factum iudicavit; ab utro factae sint incertum est. de hoc igitur latum est ut quaereretur. [31]]

It is agreed that a plot was set, and it is what the senate judges a deed against the republic; which of the two made the deed is uncertain. Therefore about this it is supported to investigate.

ita et senatus rem, non hominem notavit et Pompeius de iure, non de facto quaestionem tulit. [31]

And thus the senate has marked the deed, not the man, and Pompeius about justice, not the act supports questioning.

quonam igitur pacto probari potest insidias Miloni fecisse Clodium? [32]

On what basis, therefore, is it able to be proved that Clodius set the ambush for Milo?

satis est in illa quidem tam audaci, tam nefaria belua docere, magnam ei causam, magnam spem in Milonis morte propositam, magnas utilitates fuisse. [32]

It is indeed enough to show that in the case of that so audacious, so unspeakable beast, that a great cause was proposed for him, and a great hope in the death of Milo, and that there were greaet motives.

itaque illud Cassianum 'cui bono fuerit' in his personis valeat, etsi boni nullo emolumento impelluntur in fraudem, improbi saepe parvo. [32]

Therefore that saying, "to whom was it beneficial," was strong for these people, for although good men are driven into crime, it is for a big advantage, wicked men are driven into crime by a small advantage.

atqui Milone interfecto Clodius haec adsequebatur, non modo ut praetor esset non eo consule quo sceleris facere nihil posset sed etiam ut eis consulibus praetor esset quibus si non adiuvantibus, at coniventibus certe speraret se posse eludere in illis suis cogitatis furoribus: [32]

And so Clodius, with Milo having been killed, would gain this; not only that he would be praetor without him as consul, with whom he could do no wickedness, but even with those consuls, he would be praetor, and with them, if not aiding, certainly conniving, he would hope that he would have free-play in those deliberate madnesses.

cuius illi conatus, ut ipse ratiocinabatur, nec cuperent reprimere, si possent, cum tantum beneficium ei se debere arbitrarentur, et, si vellent, fortasse vix possent frangere hominis sceleratissimi conroboratam iam vetustate audaciam. [32]

They were not wanting to suppress his attempts, as he himself calculated if they could, when they judged that they owed a great benefit to him and if they wanted, they hardly could break the daring of this most wicked man, strengthened now by how long it had lasted.

an vero, iudices, vos soli ignoratis, vos hospites in hac urbe versamini, vestrae peregrinantur aures neque in hoc pervagato civitatis sermone versantur, quas ille leges, si leges nominandae sunt ac non faces urbis, pestes rei publicae, fuerit impositurus nobis omnibus atque inusturus? [33]

But truly, judges, you alone do not know, you alone act as hosts in this city; are your ears off on holiday, and are they not engaged in this speech, which is widespread around the city, which laws that man was going to impose, or indeed brand into us, if indeed they were to be called laws, or not branding irons of the city, and pests of the republic?

exhibe, exhibe, quaeso, Sexte Clodi, librarium illud legum vestrarum quod te aiunt eripuisse e domo et ex mediis armis turbaque nocturna tamquam Palladium sustulisse, ut praeclarum videlicet munus atque instrumentum tribunatus ad aliquem, si nactus esses, qui tuo arbitrio tribunatum gereret, deferre posses. [33]

Present, present, I ask, Sextus Clodius, that library of your laws, which they say you took from the house and from midst of arms, and from a nocturnal crowd, just like the Paladium, so that obviously a famous gift and tool of the tribuneship for someone, if you had obtained it, who would undertake the tribuneship at your choice.

et aspexit me illis quidem oculis quibus tum solebat cum omnibus omnia minabatur. [33]

And he looked at me, indeed, with those eyes, with which he was both accustomed to, and by which he was threatening everybody with everything.

movet me quippe lumen curiae. Quid? tu me tibi iratum, Sexte, putas, cuius inimicissimum multo crudelius etiam poenitus es, quam erat humanitatis meae postulare? [33]

This bright light of the chamber makes me uneasy. What, do you think me angry with you, Sextus? I, whose greatest enemy, you punished, much more cruelly than my humanity allowed me to demand?

Tu P. Clodi cruentum cadaver eiecisti domo; tu in publicum ab iecisti; tu spoliatum imaginibus, exsequiis, pompa, laudatione, infelicissimis lignis semiustilatum, nocturnis canibus dilaniandum reliquisti. [33]

You threw the gored body of Publius Clodius from the house, into a public place, and abandoned it, despoiled of its death-masks, funeral-rites, procession, praise, and half-burned on the ill-omened embers, to be torn at by the nocturnal dogs.

Qua re, etsi nefarie fecisti, tamen quoniam in meo inimico crudelitatem exprompsisti tuam, laudare non possum, irasci certe non debeo. [33]

Therefore, even if you did this nefariously, since you inflicted cruelty onto my enemy, I am not able to praise you, but certainly ought not to be angry at you.

'at valuit odium, fecit iratus, fecit inimicus, fuit ultor iniuriae, punitor doloris sui.' [35]

But hatred prevailed: he acted when angry, he acted as an enemy, he was an avenger of injury and a punisher of his own anguish.

quid? si haec non dico maiora fuerunt in Clodio quam in Milone, sed in illo maxima, nulla in hoc, quid voltis amplius? [35]

What? If I do not say these things were greater in Clodius, but in that man, were the greatest, and nothing in this man, what more do you want?

quid enim odisset Clodium Milo, segetem ac materiam suae gloriae, praeter hoc civile odium quo omnis improbos odimus? [35]

What did Milo hate Clodius for: the weight and substance of his glory, besides that common hatred by which we all hate bad men?

illi erat ut odisset primum defensorem salutis meae, deinde vexatorem furoris, domitorem armorum suorum, postremo etiam accusatorem suum; reus enim Milonis lege Plotia fuit Clodius quoad vixit. [35]

It was the case for that man that he hated him first, as the defender of my safety, the harrier of anger, the conquereor of his weapons, and at last even his accuser: Clodius was the defendant of Milo from the Plotian laws, as long as he lived.

quo tandem animo hoc tyrannum illum tulisse creditis? [35]

By what spirit, finally, do you believe that the tyrant would have endured this?

quantum odium illius et in homine iniusto quam etiam iustum fuisse? [35]

How much hatred of that man do you think is just than it is just to have been?

reliquum est ut iam illum natura ipsius consuetudoque defendat, hunc autem haec eadem coarguant. [36]

It remains now that the nature and the custom of this man to defend that charge, however he has revealed things about that man.

'nihil per vim umquam Clodius, omnia per vim Milo.' [36]

'There is nothing that Clodius ever did through violence, but Milo did everything through violence.'

quid? ego, iudices, cum maerentibus vobis urbe cessi, iudiciumne timui, non servos, non arma, non vim? [36]

What? I, judges, when I left from the city along with your grief, did I not fear judgement, not the slaves, not the weapons, nor violence?

quae fuisset igitur iusta causa restituendi mei, nisi fuisset iniusta eiciendi? [36]

What rightful reason was there for the restoration of me, if not for the injustice of throwing me out?

diem mihi, credo, dixerat, multam inrogarat, actionem perduellionis intenderat, et mihi videlicet in causa aut mala aut mea, non et praeclarissima et vestra, iudicium timendum fuit. [36]

A day for me, I believe, he said, and he had demanded a fine, and he had proposed a charge of high treason, which clearly, for me, in a case, whether either bad things or my things, both most distinguished things and your things, it was necessary to fear the judgement.

servorum et egentium civium et facinorosorum armis meos civis, meis consiliis periculisque servatos, pro me obici nolui. [36]

I did not want my citizens to be killed on my behalf by the weapons of slaves, or destitute and wicked citizens, saved by my councils and by my dangers.

vidi enim, vidi hunc ipsum Q. Hortensium, lumen et ornamentum rei publicae, paene interfici servorum manu, cum mihi adesset; [37]

I saw him, I saw this man himself, light and jewel of the republic, almost slain by the hands of slaves, when he aided me;

qua in turba C. Vibienus senator, vir optimus, cum hoc cum esset una, ita est mulcatus ut vitam amiserit. [37]

in which crowd the senator Gaius Vibenius, an excellent man, when he was together with this man, and thus he was beaten to such an extent that he lost his life.

itaque quando illius postea sica illa quam a Catilina acceperat conquievit? [37]

And so where, after this point, did the dagger, which he receives from Catiline, come to rest after this point?

haec intenta nobis est, huic ego vos obici pro me non sum passus, haec insidiata Pompeio est, haec viam Appiam, monumentum sui nominis, nece Papiri cruentavit, haec eadem longo intervallo conversa rursus est in me; nuper quidem, ut scitis, me ad regiam paene confecit. [37]

This was his intention for us, and I would not allow you to be thrown before it before me, and it lay in wait for Pompey, on the Appian way, a monument to his name, stained with blood from the death of Papirus, and, by by the same long interval, was turned towards me; not long ago, as you know, it nearly killed me in the palace.

quid simile Milonis? cuius vis omnis haec semper fuit, ne P. Clodius, cum in iudicium detrahi non posset, vi oppressam civitatem teneret. [38]

What was similar of Milo? The violence of all the deeds of that man amounted to this; lest Publius Clodius, when he was not able to be dragged into the law court, would hold the state oppressed with his force.

quem si interficere voluisset, quantae quotiens occasiones, quam praeclarae fuerunt! [38]

Should he have wished to kill that man, there was however many times to do so, which were splendid for him!

potuitne, cum domum ac deos penatis suos illo oppugnante defenderet, iure se ulcisci, [38]

Was it possible, when he was defending his house and his household gods, to defend himself justly?

potuitne civi egregio et viro fortissimo, P. Sestio, conlega suo, volnerato, [38]

Was it possible when that most excellent and praiseworthy citizen P. Sestius, his own colleague, was wounded,

potuitne Q. Fabricio, viro optimo, cum de reditu meo legem ferret, pulso, crudelissima in foro caede facta, [38]

was it possible when Q. Fabricius, that best man, when he brought a law concerning my return, was attacked, in a most cruel attack made in the forum,

potuitne L. Caecili, iustissimi fortissimique praetoris, oppugnata domo, potuitne illo die quo est lata lex de me, cum totius Italiae concursus, quem mea salus concitarat, facti illius gloriam libens agnovisset, ut, etiam si id Milo fecisset, cuncta civitas eam laudem pro sua vindicaret? [38]

was it possible with the house of L. Caecilius, that most just and famous prator, attacked, was it possible on that day, on which there was a law on my behalf, with the whole of Italy assembles, which concerned itself with my safety, acknowledging willingly the glory of that deed, so that, even when Milo did this deed, the entirety of the citizenship vindicated his glory on behalf?

at quod erat tempus? clarissimus et fortissimus vir consul, inimicus Clodio, P. Lentulus, ultor sceleris illius, propugnator senatus, defensor vestrae voluntatis, patronus publici consensus, restitutor salutis meae; [39]

But what was that time? That most famous man and consul, enemy of Clodius, P. Lentulus, avenger of the crime of that man, defender of the senate, defender of your wishes, protector of public concord, restorer of my own safety;

septem praetores, octo tribuni plebei illius adversarii, defensores mei; [39]

seven praetors, eight tribunes of the plebs, adversaries of that man, were defenders to me;

Cn. Pompeius, auctor et dux mei reditus, illius hostis, cuius sententiam senatus omnis de salute mea gravissimam et ornatissimam secutus est, qui populum Romanum est cohortatus; [39]

Gnaeus Pompeius, author and leader of my return, enemy of that man, whose opinion, very weighty and well-expressed, about my safety, the whole of the senate followed, who urged the Roman people.

qui cum decretum de me Capuae fecisset, ipse cunctae Italiae cupienti et eius fidem imploranti signum dedit ut ad me restituendum Romam concurreret; [39]

When he had made a decree concerning me at Capua, he himself gave to the whole of Italy, desiring and imploring for his loyalty, a sign, so that they would flock together, in Rome for the purpose of restoring me.

omnium denique in illum odia civium ardebant desiderio mei, quem qui tum interemisset, non de impunitate eius, sed de praemiis cogitaretur. [39]

When finally, the hatred of all the citizens was burning against that man, with a desire or longing for me, so that if anyone had killed him, the opportunity would not be about the impunity of that man, but his rewards.

tum se Milo continuit et P. Clodium in iudicium bis, ad vim numquam vocavit. [40]

Then Milo contained himself, and twice summoned Publius Clodius to trial, never resorting to violence.

quid? privato Milone et reo ad populum accusante P. Clodio, cum in Cn. Pompeium pro Milone dicentem impetus factus est, quae tum non modo occasio sed etiam causa illius opprimendi fuit? [40]

What? With Milo as a private citizen, and a defendant to the populace in accusing Publius Clodius, when there was an attack made on Gnaeus Pompey, speaking in defence of Milo, was there not only an occasion, but also a reason for the suppression of that man?

nuper vero cum M. Antonius summam spem salutis bonis omnibus attulisset gravissimamque adulescens nobilissimus rei publicae partem fortissime suscepisset, atque illam beluam, iudici laqueos declinantem, iam inretitam teneret, qui locus, quod tempus illud, di immortales, fuit! [40]

Truly, recently, when Marcus Antonius brought the greatest hope of the safety of all, and, as a most noble young man, bravely supported the most burdensome part of the republic, and that beast, avoiding the traps of the law court, he now held restrained, what a time, what a place, oh gods, was there!

cum se ille fugiens in scalarum tenebras abdidisset, magnum Miloni fuit conficere illam pestem nulla sua invidia, M. vero Antoni maxima gloria? [40]

When that man, fleeing into the darkness of the stairs, concealed himself, was there not only a great occassion for Milo to slay that pest, with no enmity for himself, but to also to confer Marcus Antonius with the greatest amount of glory?

quid? comitiis in campo quotiens potestas fuit! [41]

What? How much power was there on the field for the elections!

cum ille in saepta inrupisset, gladios destringendos, lapides iaciendos curasset, dein subito voltu Milonis perterritus fugeret ad Tiberim, vos et omnes boni vota faceretis ut Miloni uti virtute sua liberet. [41]

When that man burst into the voting enclosure, his men withdrawing their weapons, he ordered them to throw stones, then suddenly, terrified by the face of Milo, did he flee into the Tiber, and you all made your good prayers, that Milo, by his own valour, would absolve.

quem igitur cum omnium gratia noluit, hunc uoluit cum aliquorum querela? [41]

Did he desire, however, when he did not wish to do it with the gratitude of all, that action, with the complaints of others?

quem iure, quem loco, quem tempore, quem impune, non est ausus, hunc iniuria, iniquo, loco, alieno tempore, periculo capitis non dubitauit occidere? [41]

He did not dare kill Clodius by the law, in that place, at that time, with impunity; but did he not hesitate to slaw that man by injury, by disadvantage, in that place, at another time, with danger upon his own head?

praesertim, iudices, cum honoris amplissimi contentio et dies comitiorum subesset, quo quidem tempore [42]

Particularly, judges, when the contest of the greatest honours and the days of the elections were close at hand, at which time

- scio enim quam timida sit ambitio quantaque et quam sollicita sit cupiditas consulatus - [42]

- I know how anxious ambitious is, and how great it is, and how restless the desire for the consulship is -

omnia non modo quae reprehendi palam sed etiam quae obscure cogitari possunt timemus, [42]

we are afraid of everything, not only, in this manner, the things which are openly reprehendable, but even those things that can be thought of in secret;

rumorem, fabulam falsam, fictam, levem perhorrescimus, ora omnium atque oculos intuemur [42]

as we tremble at rumour, a false tale, a feigned story, and observe the mouths and eyes of all.

nihil est enim tam molle, tam tenerum, tam aut fragile aut flexibile quam voluntas erga nos sensusque civium, qui non modo improbitati irascuntur candidatorum sed etiam in recte factis saepe fastidiunt. [42]

Nothing is even then pleasant, soft or brittle or flexible than the will against us and the consensus of the people, who are not only angered by the shamelessness of the candidates, but even disdainful in the righteousness of our actions.

Hunc igitur diem campi speratum atque exoptatum sibi proponens Milo, cruentis manibus scelus et facinus prae se ferens et confitens ad illa augusta centuriarum auspicia veniebat? [43]

However Milo, anticipated on that day on the campus, and reporting his desire for himself, was going to his crime and outrage with bloodied hands, before he presented and revealed himself to those sacred auspices of the centuries?

Quam hoc non credibile in hoc! [43]

Such behaviour in this man is not credible in Milo's case!

Quam idem in Clodio non dubitandum cum se ille interfecto Milone regnaturum putaret! Quid? [43]

The same man not doubting over Clodius, when Clodius himself thought he would gain power by Milo's death! What?

Quod caput est audaciae, iudices, quis ignorat maximam inlecebram esse peccandi impunitatis spem? [43]

What is the cause of audacity, judges, for who does not know that the greatest allurement is the hope of sinning with impunity?

In utro igitur haec fuit? In Milone, qui etiam nunc reus est facti aut praeclari aut certe necessarii, an in Clodio, qui ita iudicia poenamque contempserat, ut eum nihil delectaret quod aut per naturam fas esset aut per leges liceret? [43]

Therefore in which of the two men is it? In Milo, who even now is a defendant of this deed, which is either splendid or at the very least necessary, or is it in Clodius, who, in this way, scorned judgement and punishment, so that he desired nothing that was obliged in his own nature, or that was allowable through the laws?

Sed quid ego argumentor? Quid plura disputo? [44]

But what is my argument? What are the many things that I dispute?

Te, Q. Petili, appello, optimum et fortissimum civem; te, M. Cato, testor, quos mihi divina quaedam sors dedit iudices: [44]

You, Quintus Petilus, I call upon, the best and bravest citizen. You, Marcus Cato, I invoke as a witness, men whom a certain divine fate gave to me as judges:

vos ex M. Favonio audistis Clodium sibi dixisse et audistis vivo Clodio periturum Milonem triduo: post diem tertium gesta res est quam dixerat. [44]

you have heard from Marcus Favonius that Clodius spoke for himself, and you have heard that in Clodius' life, Milo was to perish in three days time: after the third day, the action was carried out, which he had already spoken of.

Cum ille non dubitarit aperire quid cogitaret, vos potestis dubitare quid fecerit? [44]

When that man did not hesitate to show that which he thought, how are you able to doubt what he will have done?