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Paragraph 1 - Point
A weaker argument is that Cabinet retains a meaningful on PM power - patronage cannot eliminate collective ministerial authority
Paragraph 1 - Evidence 1
Johnson resigned in 2022 after 50 of his cabinet ministers quit due to partygate
Paragraph 1 - Evidence 2
Thatcher was removed in 1990 despite her being PM for 11 years - Cabinet pressure after Geoffrey Howe’s resignation speech forced her to go
Paragraph 1 - Counter Point
A stronger argument is that PMs have made Cabinet far less relevant by taking key decisions outside of it
Paragraph 1 - Counter Evidence 1
Blair decided to invade Iraq 2003 through his sofa government - 139 Labour MPs rebelled, showing how little Cabinet was involved
Paragraph 1 - Count Evidence 2
Sunak appointed Jeremy Hunt as Chancellor on his 1st day as PM in 2022, using patronage to secure personal loyalty
Paragraph 1 - Evaluation
Cabinet can remove a PM but only when things have gone very wrong - PM has real power due to patronage powers and bypassing cabinet
Paragraph 2 - Point
A weaker argument is that prerogative powers have limits - if a PM uses them badly there are political consequences
Paragraph 2 - Evidence 1
Blair used prerogative to invade Iraq in 2003 - led to a 139 MP rebellion and permanently damaged his reputation
Paragraph 2 - Evidence 2
Sunak’s Rwanda policy had to go through multiple rewrites before Parliament passed it - even a PM with a majority faces resistance when pushing controversial policy
Paragraph 2 - Counter Point
A stronger argument is that prerogative powers let PMs make huge decisions without needing Parliament’s approval
Paragraph 2 - Counter Evidence 1
Johnson used COBRA during Covid to impose national lockdowns affecting 67m people - decided by a small Cabinet commitee w no parliamentary debate
Paragraph 2 - Counter Point 2
Sunak authorised air strikes on Yemen in 2024 without parliamentary debate - a major act of military force taken by the PM alone
Paragraph 2 - Evaluation
Iraq shows prerogative can backfire when it alienated public - Covid and Yemen show PMs making significant decisions possible due to prerogative, giving the PM power
Paragraph 3 - Point
A weaker argument is that PM power completely relies on having a big majority'/united party
Paragraph 3 - Evidence 1
Cameron’s coalition meant constantly negotiating with the Lib Dems who held 57 seats → forced Cameron into compromises
Paragraph 3 - Evidence 2
John Major had a 21-seat majority but Eurosceptic rebellions from 1992-97 made governing impossible
Paragraph 3 - Counter Point
A stronger argument is that when PM’s do have a big majority, they become presidential - dominating Parliament, Cabinet and Party
Paragraph 3 - Counter Evidence 1
Johnson’s 80 seat-majority let him pass the Withdrawal Agreement and deliver Brexit
Paragraph 3 - Counter Evidence 2
Blair’s 179-seat majority let him push through devolution and HRA and Lords reform with no opposition
Paragraph 3 - Evaluation
Majority size matters - since 1997 large majorities and centralised leadership are more common → conditions which make PM too powerful are now the norm