Evaluate the view that the various electoral systems in use in the UK make significant differences to party representation

Thesis Point 1 – STV makes no real difference to party representation

Comparisons between representation in UK General elections to representation in NI assembly elections shows a great similarity in who wins seats.

2017 assembly - DUP 28 seats Sinn Féin 27 seats - out of 90

2017 GE - DUP 10 seats Sinn Féin 7 seats - out of 18

It does not make a significant difference to party representation as NI representation in Westminster has the same party proportion as in the NI assembly. The DUP and Sinn Fein dominate in both, with the DUP having the most number of seats and representation.

A voting system that allows voters to rank candidates is prone to so-called 'Donkey voting', where voters vote for candidates in the order they appear on the ballot. This could disadvantage third parties.

In 2007 Scottish elections there was a huge amount of spoilt or incorrectly filled in ballots which may harm party representation.

We can conclude that there has been major party change in terms of representation, but this is not due to the electoral system as outcomes for NI MPs elected by FPTP mirror choices under STV.

AntiThesis Point 1 – STV makes a considerable difference to party representation as it ensures power sharing

STV is designed to be an electoral system which captures not only the different parties but the shades of opinion within them. It can favour certain personalities within the parties

Encourages the dispersal of power, making sure that the voices of minority parties are heard in Northen Ireland.

Designed for power sharing to stop destructive adversarialism, where parties oppose eachother for no reason. In this way it will give a broader party representation to ensure coalitions

E..g. 2022 assembly election NI 42% of seats went to minority parties

Mean number of parliamentary parties is 2 under FPTP and 4.5 under STV so this shows it does make a significant difference

We can reach a verdict that it was specifically chosen for Northern Ireland (NI) to capture the spread of party support.

Thesis Point 2 - AMS makes a considerable difference to party representing

In its design of having two votes one based on FPTP and the other on the list system - there is compensation to parties who don't do well at constituency levels and minority parties that have dispersed support but have a large overall vote

D' Honda formula compensates parties, increasing representation

E.g. UKIP failed to win any constituency seats in the 2016 Welsh assembly but it had enough support across Wales to win 7 'top-up' seats in Wales

Helps to turn considerable by thinly spread support into party representation. Something that would not occur without it

We can conclude that the result will be a wider spread of political parties who can secure election and fair representation

AntiThesis Point 2 – AMS makes no real difference to party representation, as proportionality does not happen in practice

Rather than delivering a multi-party system, AMS has led to Scottish politics being dominated by one party, the SNP, giving them a majority since 2011.

E.g. 2021 Scottish Parliamentary election 64 seats to SNP, more than double of runner ups (Conservatives)

Hybrid system and so difference is not overly significant

It is supposed to aid party representation, but the Conservatives are the current opposition to the SNP and if they lose are most likely to lose to Labour. This still ensures that the major parties are the dominant forces under AMS

We can conclude that AMS does not significantly affect the dominance of one party.

Thesis Point 3 - First past the post (FPTP) makes a difference to party representation, with smaller parties having increasing influence

Smaller parties are still represented in Westminster

e.g. 2010 LibDems win 57 seats, and enter into a formal coalition government with the conservative

LibDems consequently had a chance to influence legislation- fulfilling manifesto promises such as making the first £10,000 earnings tax free

Response: Lib Dems won only 11 seats, despite winning 11.6% of the vote

AntiThesis Point 3 – First past the post (FPTP) makes a no significant difference to party representation, as by its very nature it creates a two-party system

FPTP in its design tends to work for two main parties, protecting the 2 part system, and unfairly rewards the other or minor parties

'effective number' of parties was around 2.8 in 2017

E.g. 567 seats of 650 to two dominant parties in 2019 - they have been in power for the last 100 years, facilitated by FPTP

We can conclude because it usually overrepresents the two major parties in power, the chance of reform is non- existent.