Poli 222 Key Ideas Readings Units 1 and 2

Horowitz

Fragment theory Toryism explains socialist inclinations

Grant

Following Bomarc Missile Crisis, Canada has no true identity. Will soon be absorbed into the neo-liberal superpower of the US

Blanchard

Situational context greatly impacts political beliefs; we must re-examine our assumptions about bloc-like regional beliefs

Beland

Equalization is a success despite detractors; Pragmatic success: It does the job it intends to do effectively and Political Success: It has endured

Heard and Swartz

Regional veto rules have given greater power to large provinces at the expense of the small

Trudeau White Paper

Wants no special status for the indigenous in the name of equality; Special Status → Discrimination → Poverty

Harold Cardinal

Argues Indigenous treaties were never upheld in the first place; white man speaks with “forked tongue.” If they broke deal previously, why trust now?

Taher et al

Argues that secularism (laïcité) is not neutral but is used as a political tool to construct national identity and distinguish Quebec from a multicultural Canada, revealing deeper tensions between collective identity and individual rights. It can be used to show that Canadian politics is fundamentally about competing ways of managing diversity, where “neutral” principles often mask underlying power, exclusion, and nation-building projects.

Cartier, Ross, and Galt to Lytton

Requests unification of upper and lower Canada; Claim that territorial governance is not conducive to success and suggest federalism. Elites as primary political actors; law does not inherently exist as a product of citizens

Cairns

FPTP directly shapes the party system; Large “coalition” parties build broad bases while smaller regional parties enjoy intense regional support- this shapes political strategy

Johnston

Canada’s party system reflects polarized pluralism, where multiple parties compete across deep ideological and regional cleavages, but a strong centrist party (historically the Liberals) stabilizes the system and prevents fragmentation despite these divisions. This can be used to argue that Canadian politics is defined by tension between diversity and institutional constraint, where underlying social and regional conflicts persist but are moderated—rather than resolved—by electoral rules and party system dynamics.

Westlake et al

Examination of how strongly do union members and “labour” voters correlate. Finds that while class does influence, micro factors (race, religion, gender, education) have large influence on actual vote. Takeways: Traditional left-right dichotomy fading, cleavege’s role, Strategic voting, Parties as vote-maxamizing actors

Heroux-Legault

Greater political knowledge improves the quality of voting decisions, helping voters choose parties and candidates that better match their policy preferences and interests. → Differences in political knowledge mean some voters’ preferences are reflected more accurately in elections than others

Belanger-Stephenson

Canadian partisanship persists because it combines ideological alignment with Canada’s tradition of brokerage parties, which allows voters with varied views to remain attached to parties over time. Ideology matters more than before as voters increasingly align with parties based on policy and ideological preferences

Merkley

Canadians exhibit partisan and ideological biases when evaluating political information, meaning citizens tend to interpret facts and evidence in ways that support their existing party preferences

Calliste

• Drivers: Inspired by U.S. Civil Rights (reform) and Black Power (identity/structural change).

• Conflict: Split between moderate liberals seeking reform and young militants demanding systemic change.

• Response: State used funding, multiculturalism, and surveillance to contain radicalism and maintain the status quo

Labelle

• Core Driver: Activism is fueled by intersecting marginalization (race, gender, and sexuality) rather than a single identity.

• Conflict: Responds to racism/exclusion within white-led LGBTQ spaces and homophobia in broader society.

• Strategy: Creation of racial-identity-specific groups to provide safety, visibility, and "intersectional participation identities".

• Context: Heavily influenced by Quebec’s nationalist/secularist debates, which make race a more contentious and mobilizing issue

Johnson-Reid

• Key Finding: Women dissent more than men, especially in equality and civil liberties cases where they favor rights claimants.

• Social Dynamic: Dissent rates rise as more women join a panel; this "emboldening effect" suggests female coalitions empower members to speak up.

• Factors: Behavior is influenced by generational cohorts (older women dissent more) and leadership styles, yet gender remains a dominant decision-making cleavage

Graham et al

• Core Finding: Business interests overwhelmingly dominate (approx. 70% of contacts), leading to "unequal voice" in policy.

• Political Shift: Lobbying rates surged under the Trudeau government due to increased state intervention and public consultation efforts.

• Top Sectors: Activity is highly concentrated in agriculture, fossil fuels, and manufacturing, particularly concerning trade and climate regulations.

• Public Interest: While environmental and social groups saw some gains under Trudeau, the balance of power still heavily favors corporate interests

Elrick

• Mechanism: High-level bureaucrats used "orders-in-council" and deportation appeals as experimental sites to test non-racial selection before formal laws changed.

• Intersectionality: "Merit" was used to manage race through class; officials admitted non-white immigrants who displayed middle-class status to avoid "racialized poverty".

• Legacy: Subjective criteria like "adaptability" and "motivation" were derived from these early practices and codified into the 1967 points system.

• Result: Created a foundation for "middle-class multiculturalism" rather than a truly race-blind system

Bashevkin

• Key Driver: Party ideology, with left-of-centre regimes generally favoring pro-choice interests over conservative ones.

• External Pressure: Federal fiscal sanctions were crucial in forcing resistant provinces to fund clinic abortions.

• Critical Actors: Success often depended on individual feminist leaders and centrist parties rather than party platform alone.

• Inconsistency: NDP governments varied; BC led on safety zones while Manitoba's NDP initially aligned with conservative "pro-life" pressures