was the tsarist regime stable or unstable in 1914?

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Last updated 6:39 PM on 5/15/26
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16 Terms

1
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the working class: revolution

  • 1907: 300,000 workers were in union

  • 1907: members of social democrats had been as high as 150,000

  • 1910-1914: expansion led to a considerable increase in the workforce , up 1/3

  • strain on public services, transport and housing

  • 1912: shooting of unarmed strikers in Lena goldfields (200 killed and 400 wounded)

  • 1914: 1.3 million workers on strike

  • protests became more political

  • more urbanised workers- highest level of skills, education, and wages- who were at forefront of labour protest

  • July 1914: rising demonstrated that regime could still rely on loyalty of army and police

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number of workers in unions

1907: 300,000

1914: unions repeatedly closed down- only 40,000

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number of stikers

1905: 2.8 million

1910: 46,000

1914: 1.3 million

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members of social democratics

1907: members of social democrats had been as high as 150,000

1910: members of social democratcis slumped to 10,000

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working class: no revolution

  • industrial strife had almost ceased by 1909

  • 1914: unions repeatedly closed down- only 40,000 left

  • 1910: members of social democratcis slumped to 10,000

  • many left-wing parties remained illegal and only 13 deputies out of a total of 413 served their interests in the duma

  • industrial growth was 6% per annum between 1907 and 1914

  • bolsheviks attempted to exploit a great stike: other sections of society did not support it and police were able to restore order

  • July 1914: rising demonstrated that regime could still rely on loyalty of army and police

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industrial growth

industrial growth was 6% per annum between 1907 and 1914

7
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lena goldfields massacre (1912)

1912: shooting of unarmed strikers in Lena goldfields (200 killed and 400 wounded

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the middle class: revolution

  • electoral reformof 1907 large number in third and fourth duma

  • no inclination to cooperate with middle class

  • After Stolypins assasinationn in 1911, middle class parties- the octobrists, the progressivesand the kadets- more outspoken in criticism in government

  • exasperated at tsars indifference

  • by 1914 they too were in opposition

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middle class: no revolution

  • individual wealth grew, from top industrialists down to humble shopkeeper and increasing numbers became middle class

  • middle class deeply divided

  • fear of thr masses

  • unable to influence government and unable to appeal to the masses

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the government: no revolution

  • industrial growth was up, value of exports exceeded imports and government revenue exceeded expenditure

  • considerable growth in both savings and savings accounts, gold reserves increased, the national debt was coming down and the government was becoming less reliant on foreign loans

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the government: revolution

  • kokostov replaced at 1914 by goremykin

  • weakening of role of prime minister led to gorwing governmental paralysis

  • cooperation with duma virtually ceased

  • lena goldfields massacre, belis case, rise of rasputin

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Tsar: revolution

  • lack of charisma and poor judgement of people created disquiet even within the establishment

  • royal couple were unpopular at court

  • establishment itself was weakening

  • influence of church was in decline

  • mutinies of 1905-1906 had shown that shorter periods of service might have contributed to a less reliable force

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peasants:no revolution

  • villages were relatively quiet before 1914 and there had been no major upheavels and disturbances

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SR’S: no revolution

  • SRs had been infiltrated by the okhrana

  • divisions among the leadership, and between the leadership and the rank and file

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Mensheviks: revolution

  • increased their support in the trade union

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Bolsheviks: no revolution

  • also been penetrated

  • 4 out of 5 of party’s St Petersburg committee in 1909 were okrahona agents.

  • lenins close confidant Roman malinowsky worked as an okrohana agents and wreaked havoc on the bolshevik underground between 1910 and 1913