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Context of the Second Intifada (2000–2001)
Key background events
Israel’s withdrawal from South Lebanon (May 2000)
Collapse of Camp David Summit (July 2000)
Ariel Sharon’s visit to Haram al-Sharif / Al-Aqsa (September 2000)
Sharon’s election as Prime Minister (February 2001)
Global shift after 9/11 and the War on Terror
Overall context
Combination of failed diplomacy, rising militarization, and shifting global politics created conditions for renewed uprising
Background: Competing Interpretations of Camp David Failure
U.S. and Israeli narrative
Clinton administration portrayed Israeli proposal as a “generous” or far-reaching offer that Palestinians rejected
Barak (former prime minister of Israel) claimed Israel had made maximum concessions/turned every stone
Argued Palestinians rejected peace despite these efforts
Palestinian perspective
Viewed their position as a historic compromise and accepted Israel on 78% of historic Palestine. They sought a state in remaining 22%
Believed offer did not provide genuine sovereignty
Key assumption
Israel concedes only under pressure, not through negotiations alone
What did the Second Intifada (2000–2005) do?
Produced long-term grievances and conditions for revolt
Lebanon Precedent (a cause of the Second Intifada)
Israel’s withdrawal from South Lebanon seen as result of armed resistance. Hizbollah’s success suggested occupation could be forced to end through force
Shifted Palestinian expectations toward resistance
Israeli response: Strengthened military control and fortified settlements in West Bank and Gaza
Attempted to prevent “Lebanon model” from spreading
Contradiction between “peace” and militarization (a cause of the Second Intifada)
Despite Oslo framework, Israel expanded militarization through strengthened settlements, praised settler leadership, deployed heavy weaponry
May 2000 protests (Nakba Day). Israeli forces killed 6 Palestinians, injured over 1,000
Result: exposed contradiction between diplomatic process and realities on the ground, and reinforced perception that Oslo was not genuine peace
The myth of the “generous offer”
Post-Camp David narrative
Israel claimed no Palestinian partner for peace
Lack of formal written proposal undermines this claim
Shifted blame for failure onto Palestinians
Justified later unilateral Israeli policies
Sharon’s provocation (September 2000, a cause of the Second Intifada)
Visit to Al-Aqsa / Temple Mount
Accompanied by over 1,000 police and troops, seen as deliberate provocation
Immediate consequences:
Clashes and killings across occupied territories, sparked outbreak of uprising
Killing of Muhammad al-Durra became iconic image
Strengthened Sharon’s position → contributed to his election
Institutionalized repression (a cause of the Second Intifada)
Intifada as response to systemic conditions, not isolated events
Structural elements of repression
Legal frameworks: Law of Return (Jewish immigration rights), Absentee Property Law (confiscation of Palestinian property)
Military occupation and suppression of resistance, Media framing portraying Palestinians as aggressors, use of humiliation as a control mechanism
Characteristics of the Second Intifada
Systematic military repression, example: Khan Yunis (2000)
Earlier violence (e.g., 1956 killings) shows long-term pattern
Targeted assassinations
Assassination lists became normalized policy under Sharon (Former Israeli Prime Minister 2001-06)
Key targets included leaders from: PFLP, Hamas, Islamic Jihad, Fatah’s al-Aqsa Martyrs’ Brigades
Its purpose was to eliminate leadership and disrupt organizational capacity of resistance
Suicide bombings
Conducted by Hamas, Islamic Jihad, and Fatah factions
Targeted civilian areas (buses, cafés, malls)
Revenge for Israeli repression, religious factors, national liberation goals
It’s impact increased Israeli security measures and shifted international opinion
Khan Yunis (April 2001)
First major Israeli re-entry into Area A since Oslo II
Use of missile fire, helicopters, bulldozers
Destruction
Over 30 homes demolished
Around 500 people made homeless
Casualties and Detentions (2000–2005)
Palestinians
Killed: ~3,993
Injured: ~44,403
Arrested: ~90,000 cumulatively
Israelis
Killed: ~1,083
Injured: ~8,341
Significance
High human cost reinforced cycle of violence and retaliation
Politics during the Second Intifada
The Mitchell Report (2001)
Led by former US Senator George Mitchell. The report describes possible causes of the al-Aqsa Intifada, and gives recommendations to end the violence, rebuild confidence and resume negotiations. It was published on 30 April 2001. Aimed to de-escalate conflict
Key recommendations
Ceasefire, confidence-building measures, full settlement freeze
It linked de-escalation to Israeli obligations, especially on settlements.
Israeli response
Required Palestinians to stop violence first
Israel itself maintained control over interpretation of “calm”
Allowed continued settlement “natural growth”
Israel wasn’t equally required to halt assassinations, lift closures, or withdraw
Significance
Highlighted imbalance in obligations
Impact of 9/11 on the Conflict
Shift in global discourse
Israel framed Palestinian struggle as part of “war on terror”
Effects on international politics
Reduced global sympathy for Palestinians
Increased legitimacy of Israeli military actions
U.S. policy shift
Initially cautious (needed Arab allies), later reduced pressure on Israel
Consequences for Palestinians
Harsher repression, diplomatic marginalization
Arab Peace Initiative (2002)
Proposal by Arab League
Full normalization with Israel in exchange for:
Withdrawal to 1967 borders, Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as capital, a just solution to refugee issue
Significant because It shifted the issue from a purely bilateral Israeli-Palestinian framework to a broader regional peace offer.
Israeli response
Rejected key elements such as the required full withdrawal to the 1957 borders and just solution for Palestinian refugees
U.S. Policy: “Arafat Must Go” (2002)
Bush administration stance
Called for new Palestinian leadership
Effectively excluded Arafat from negotiations, saying he must go for a peace process settlement with Israel to move forward
Influences
Israeli preferences, U.S. internal political actors (e.g., Cheney, Rumsfeld)
Consequences
Further weakened Palestinian leadership
Deepened political crisis within Palestinian Authority
The Road Map (2002–2003)
Developed by the Quartet: U.S., EU, Russia, UN
Goals: Restart peace process and establish phased path to two-state solution
Phase 1
End violence, Palestinian reforms, Israeli withdrawal from reoccupied areas, settlement freeze
Phase 2
International conference, Palestinian elections, possible provisional Palestinian state
Phase 3
Final-status negotiations: Jerusalem, Refugees, Borders, Settlements
Target: final agreement by 2005
Israeli reaction
Security-first approach, demanded Palestinian compliance first
Rejected full settlement freeze
Maintained control over key areas
Palestinian reaction
Accepted plan as the only diplomatic opportunity, better than Bush’s speech (2002) bc it referred to ending the occupation
Viewed it as a framework for eventual statehood
Palestinian Political Changes (2003)
Reform of Basic Law (under strong Israeli/Quartet pressure)
Creation of Prime Minister position
Reduced Arafat’s centralized power
The amendment transferred much of the executive and administrative authority previously concentrated in the presidency to the prime minister and Council of Ministers.
Mahmoud Abbas became the first Prime Minister
Later developments
After Abbas became president in 2005, Fatah and the presidency moved to roll back the 2003 reforms and re-strengthen presidential authority through decrees and legal measures, especially when Hamas won the legislative elections in 2006.
Israel’s Disengagement from Gaza (2005)
Occurred during Second Intifada when Gaza already economically devastated (“de-development”).
Also because of long history of Israeli problems.
Settler presence before 2005 withdrawal: ~8,000–8,500 settlers in 21 settlements, controlled significant land.
The purpose of disengagement was not to end occupation
Aimed to: remove direct responsibility for Gaza, maintain external control, present withdrawal as peace move, strengthen control over West Bank
Roy’s interpretation
Not coordinated with the Palestinian Authority because Israel didn’t want disengagement to turn into a political process that might strengthen the PA.
Restructured occupation rather than ending it, making Gaza externally controlled rather than internally.
Israel retained control over: Borders, airspace, movement of goods/people, key resources (water, electricity)
Broader effects
Roy argues that it increased the fragmentation of Palestinian territories
Warns that “developing” Gaza without ending the structure of control would only modernize poverty and normalize the new arrangement.
Disengagement would shrink Palestine politically/geographically, turning Gaza into a tightly enclosed enclave while the West Bank was absorbed and divided.
The Separation Wall
Built during Second Intifada (2000-05), amid suicide bomings and justified by Israel as security measure.
Approved by Ehud Barak (Israeli Prime Minister) in November 2000, construction began under Ariel Sharon in June 2002 (Israeli Prime Minister 2000-06)
Length: ~640 km (twice Green Line) and includes fences, trenches, patrol roads, and concrete walls (up to 9m high)
Route deviates into West Bank and incorporates settlement blocs
Effects
Annexes ~9.5% of West Bank, leaves ~395,000 Palestinians on Israeli side, severely impacts East Jerusalem, and cuts off Palestinian communities
Lagerquist’s argument
Wall is not just security measure, its a tool of territorial restructuring
Consequences
Fragmentation into isolated territories, separation of Jerusalem from Palestinian life, loss of land, resources, mobility, undermines viability of Palestinian state