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Social Psychology
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Charity
The country in which an individual is most likely to donate is Indonesia (very frequently one of the top donating countries in the world)
Women tend to donate more than men
People tend to donate more as they get older
Most donations go to overseas disasters
Warneken and Tomasello, 2006
Research by Warneken and Tomasello, 2006 demonstrates that we are born predisposed to help others (Born good: baby morality)
Are children helping or playing?
Are they helping because there’s nothing else to do?
Does this count as altruism?
If altruism is intrinsic in children, why doesn’t it carry through to adulthood?
Jessica McClure Morales
Became famous at the age of 18 months after falling into a well in her aunt’s backyard on October 14, 1987. Between that day and October 16, rescuers worked nonstop for 58 hours to free her from the eight-inch well casing 22 feet below the ground. The story gained worldwide attention and later became the subject of a 1989 television movie Everybody's Baby: The Rescue of Jessica McClure. As presented in it, a vital part of the rescue was the use of the then relatively new technology of waterjet cutting.
U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA 2012; 2013)
Disasters occur everyday
Over 4 billion people need aid around the world
Humanitarian disasters on the increase due to climate change and political conflict in the Middle East
World Food and Agricultural Organisation (FAO 2015)
statement on world food insecurity
Around 733 million people suffer from hunger, starvation, and malnutrition at any moment in time. 2.3 billion people struggle with food insecurity
Most countries and governments only donate a small percentage of their GDP to helping victims overseas (less than 0.8% in the UK)
Only 6 countries in the G20 group also in the top 20 for giving; i.e. wealth does not always predict helping
Defining altruism – Is empathy the key?
Batson and colleagues conducted a series of studies in the 1980s/90s on empathic concern. They define empathy as feeling concern and distress for another.
Batson et al. propose an ‘empathy-altruism’ hypothesis, i.e. altruism is directly linked to empathy and can be demonstrated via empathic concern.
Batson et al, 1983
Participants see confederate take 10 ‘painful’ electric shocks
Dishevelled confederate tells P that he/she had a traumatic childhood experience with shocks
Participants report how they feel and split into two groups, egotistic concern vs empathic concern
Experimenters ask participants if they want to take the remaining shocks and stay until the end of experiment
Those high in egotistic concern left when able, those high in empathy stayed even if they didn’t have to
Batson et al. argue that this is evidence of altruism
Fulz, Batson et al (1986)
conducted experiment to manipulate empathy directly
Participants read two notes by student confederate about themselves
In note 1 the confederate says they feel out of place, in note 2 they say they need a friend and ask if the participant wants to hang out (same sex)
Empathy manipulated (participants either told to read objectively or to focus to how the other person felt)
Participant responses were either anonymous or not anonymous
Regardless, there was a main effect of empathy – participants in the empathy condition were more likely to volunteer for the confederate (as a buddy/mentor, presumably)
These results support the empathy-altruism hypothesis and seem to rule out experimenter demand characteristics
Criticisms of empathy mediating
Cialdini, 1997 – studies don’t refute the negative-state relief model because participants high in empathic concern may be motivated to help because they will feel bad otherwise; therefore, it’s still a selfish motivation.
Cialdini, 1997 – other variables might matter more depending on the situation. Support for the empathy-altruism hypothesis would be stronger if other variables were investigated simultaneously alongside empathy. They found that perceived one-ness with the victim was a stronger predictor than empathic concern.
Task instructions on the Batson study are also questionable, e.g. how would you react if instructed to behave ‘objectively’ and ‘detached’? How would you react if told to behave with ‘empathy’ and listen to ‘feelings’?
Batson inadvertently measured empathic concern towards ingroup victims, e.g. the confederate was a fellow student at the same uni, on the same course. Think about the donation figures earlier, does empathic concern only manifest itself for ingroup victims? Cikara et al, 2011 - the lack of empathy is a sign of intergroup failure.
“One death is a tragedy, one million is a statistic.”
Empathy and the identifiable victim effect
The identifiable victim effect may be one of the reasons Baby Jessica received so much help.
IVE has demonstrated repeatedly that people prefer to donate to a single identifiable victim (like Jessica) than to a group of victims
Kogut & Ritov (2005)
Participants shown a charity ad to raise money for children in medical need in Israel
Participants donated more money to save one sick child (Rokia) than 8 children
Participants reported more distress and concern for Rokia than for the group
But is it just a naming effect?
In the “I” of the storm: Shared initials increase disaster donations
People prefer their own initials to other letters, influencing preferences in many domains. The “name letter effect” (Nuttin, 1987) may not apply to negatively valenced targets if people are motivated to downplay or distance themselves from negative targets associated with the self.
Individuals who shared an initial with the hurricane name were overrepresented among hurricane relief donors
This finding suggests that people may seek to ameliorate the negative effects of a disaster when there are shared characteristics between the disaster and the self
Kogut and Ritov (2007)
Replicated the effect by asking participants to donate to tsunami victims
Gave names to all victims (to rule out IVE being due to naming)
Participants donated more to help a single named victim
Participants also reported more concern
But, effect was only present when victim was an ingroup member
Small et al (2007)
Tried to remove the effect by telling participants about IVE at the start of the experiment
Participants then choose whether to donate to a single identifiable victim or to a group of victims
Participants just gave less to both single victims and groups (became less pro-social)
What causes the Identifiable Victim Effect?
Jenni and Lowenstein (1997)
Replicated the IVE paradigm but measured a number of plausible explanatory variables (perceived impact of donation, vividness of the victim’s situation, and empathy)
Found that the IVE effect was explained by a proportion effect rather than vividness (participants were more likely to make a utilitarian decision for a group)
Erlandsson et al (2015)
Found that the IVE effect was due to increased empathic concern towards a single victim
Argued that this was due to increased vividness of their plight
Lee and Feeley, 2017
Found that emotion mediates helping
Manipulating emotion was found to increase helping
Peter Oborne
How the Ukraine war exposes Western racism – Peter Oborne
The flag of Ukraine is much more readily recognizable than the flag of Yemen
If the Western media had given 1/100th of the attention to Yemen as they had to Ukraine, then perhaps more progress could’ve been made in the 7 years that this has been going on.
Helping the outgroup - Nuestra Culpa?
Basil, Ridgeway and Basil (2006)
Manipulated built and empathy (2 x 2 design)
Guilt had a strong effect on intention to donate
Guilt → +Responsibility → +Prosociality
Replicated in 2008 → guilt mediated empathy
James & Zagefka (2017)
Predicted different process for helping ingroup/outgroup members
H1: main effect of victim ingroup on hypothetical donation, p = 0.007
H2: no main effect of perpetrator ingroup on hypothetical donation, p = 0.281
H3: ingroup perpetrator and ingroup victim interaction most generous M= $6.88, p= 0.006
H1: main effect of victim ingroup on empathy, p = 0.005
H2: no main effect of perpetrator ingroup on empathy, p = 0.071
H3: ingroup perpetrator and ingroup interaction, p = 0.057
There needs to be some sort of notion that you or your group are responsible for empathy effects to emerge.
Helping is influenced by perceived social norms
Participants care about perceived responsibility and show strategic motives – e.g. individual/group reputation
Thorton et al, 1991 – participants donate less (frequency and amount) if solicitation method is anonymous regardless of framing, e.g. whether an image was used
Clark, 2002 – asked participants to make a small donation over 10 trial. Telling participants about the overall donation amount did not increase donations, but giving info on individual donations caused an increase
Fehr and Gachter, 2002 – not donating in a cooperation game led to punishments and negative evaluations from other participants
Andreoni and Petri, 2004 – participants increased donations by 59% if their identity was visible alongside their donation amount. Just making identity known had no effect. Anonymity decreased donations.
Barclay, 2004; 2012 – making large donations leads to positive evaluations and is a sign of political leadership
Research in psychology demonstrates the importance of reputation
Grace and Griffin, 2006 – participants give more when asked to wear a charity ribbon – West (2004) calls this “conspicuous compassion”
Alpizar et al, 2008; 2013 – donors in a park in Costa Rica donated more when with friends than alone. In general, donors donate less if situation is anonymous
Reyniers and Bhalla, 2013 – participants display “reluctant altruism” – they are more likely to give when with peers, but they give less than if anonymous
When people donate anonymously, they donate more (they care more about the cause)
More people donate non-anonymously, but donate less (reluctance)
The strategic side of outgroup helping
“It’s not that we help the outgroup less, it’s more that we help them for different reasons” (James & Zagefka, 2017)
Strategic motives for helping the outgroup can be explained as follows
Helping in an intergroup context places the groups needs in the forefront (SIT)
SIT asserts that groups wish to maintain positive distinctiveness. However, group memberships are fluid and groups need to cooperate frequently if they wish to do well.
The ingroup must often help the outgroup for the benefits such helping provides, e.g. benefits to the group’s reputation as being fair and trustworthy.
The struggle for social dominance
There are two types of help (Nadler, 2002)
Dependency-oriented → a full solution to the problem is provided. The target is perceived as incapable
Autonomy-oriented → help is partial and temporary. The focus is on helping the target to help themselves.
High-status groups may prefer to give dependency-oriented help, particularly when group hierarchies are unstable. Lower status groups may refuse such help (perceived as handouts).
Nadler and Halabi, 2006
argue that helping relations are inherently unequal.
Helping is associated with resources, knowledge and skills (i.e. power and status)
The act of helping puts the helper in a position ‘above’ the person in need
Helping affirms/re-affirms the helper’s position
Ingroup strategic motives for helping the outgroup
Three motives for ingroups helping outgroups (Van Leeuwen and Tabuer, 2010)
Power and autonomy
Meaning and existence
Impression formation
Power and autonomy
Power and autonomy refers to the ingroup wanting to maintain a hierarchical relationship, e.g. ‘over-helping’ (Gilbert & Silvera, 1999) which can cause more stress than not being helped (Schnieder et al, 1996)
Meaning and existence
valued and needed, e.g. the “Scrooge effect” (Jonas et al, 2002) Van Leeuwen, 2007 – appeals to collective pride of Dutch participants more effective than guilt appeals, especially for high-identifiers.
Impression formation
Impression management refers to ways that helping makes our group appear positive, e.g. by demonstrating that our nation is fair, egalitarian, and competent (Nick Hopkins Scots vs English)