Displaced Citizenship References Revision

Dowler, 1998

• During a period of armed conflict, men and women are perceived as beings who exemplify gender specific virtues as war becomes an agent for conservatism regarding gender identities seeing women spatially relegated to the private/domestic sphere as a result of perceptions of men as violent and women as compassionate and supportive to the male warrior 

• Gender tropes see women marginalised in war, in Belfast, Northern Ireland women have never been considered soldiers as a result of their identities being relegated to the private and domestic, the home is re-feminised and the traditional roles of women reinforced

• There is a connection between the exclusion of women from public spaces and the construction of feminine identities in war as it restricts women’s access to knowledge and reinforced men’s power advantage, they are made vulnerable and their mobility is restricted

• This contributes to the political area being defined as masculine as a result of women being excluded from the public arena; women are both spatially and politically excluded due to what it means to be a citizen of war

Gokariksel & Secor, 2020

• Turkey’s policies and practices concerning the Syrian war and Syrian refugees lead to affective encounters between the groups embodied on the streets and neighbourhoods as there are feelings of threatening proximity embodied in a desire for spatial organisation of bodies putting borders between the devalued Syrian ‘us’ and Turkish ‘them’

• The official rhetoric of Turkey’s obligation to Syrian people as part of Muslim unity cannot preclude the anxiety citizens express about the presence of displaced Syrians in their daily lives

• The politics of pain and problems in the encounter between the two groups shows how there are embodied and affective challenges posed by the arrival of over 3 million Syrians in Turkey; this act of border crossing led to a struggle to overcome legal and social barriers to becoming citizens of Turkey with the Turkish people’s inability to understand the pain caused by the conflict resulting in a widening gap and undermining a united Muslim citizenship

Hromadzic, 2024

• The Biscani people’s physically intimate relationship with the Una River intensified during the Bosnian War as people’s connection to the river became more proximate, immediate and vital; it produced communities and a sense of riverine citizenship where the Una was not a passive background during war but instead had a unique materiality and an ability to bring people together in a time of destruction

• The everyday traversing and swimming in the river formed a greater attachment to the river to foster a sense of citizenship, this became a way to understand the everyday experiences of war as not only brutal and disastrous but also joyful and fun in the life than emerges from landscapes of death and destruction

• The relationship with the non-human was key to understanding how the Bosnian war played out in Bihac, Nature enabled a sense of community, pleasure and happiness to arise out of destruction in a radical, multispecies citizenship that overrode the connection people felt to the state

Mountz, 2013

• Struggles over sovereignty can be manifested in different sites such as prisons, islands, seas, the body and borders that challenge the reification of the nation state as the key organiser of power, knowledge and research on politics and space; there is a now a shift to the ambiguous arrangements and grey zones through which power operates and is produced

• Expressions of power emerge from debate on jurisdiction and control of territory, this is based on ideas of governmentality as well as the haunting of historical power related to imperial, colonial and neocolonial relations that are hard to map as they are hidden in remote or affective sites

• The body is at the centre of ambiguities about jurisdiction and sovereignty as sovereignty power acts upon the body that struggles, moves, is contained and is connected to biopower; this can become visible when borders are crossed or more attention is paid to sovereignty in prisons, islands, at sea and in spaces such as the Arctic, military bases, airspace etc.

Fluri, 2022

• Displacements and mobilities associated with flight from conflict are related to institutionalisations of harm, trauma and containment through various state and supranational mechanisms of control held up by discursive binary logics of us and them that remain endemic to structural and physical violence

• Violence can occur as military violence, but can also be part of institutionalised and state mechanics of slow and calculated assault that displace a population’s access to resources; this was seen during COVID where slow and structural violence led to inequalities and spurred political unrest in various countries

• In an effort to preserve life or remove oneself from violence in a home country many individuals seek refuge through mobility and resettlement, this fleeing results in displacement, dispossession and harm associated with social and political marginalisation and living in a liminal space between precarity and protection to complicate the refugee experience

• The documentation and legal restrictions controlling borders weaponises economic liability through the costs of passports and biases, borders are also managed through deportations and violence seeking to maintain order and security; there is a blurring distinction between vulnerable migrant and criminalised smuggler to expose binary categorisations as a method of institutionalised violence by removing the complexities of border crossing and instead simplifying this as the movement of the ‘other’

• Exclusionary forms of nationalism and segregation politics rely on a retelling of a nation’s past to perpetuate fear of a current unknown or unwanted other, this cultural nostalgia is weaponised to produce contemporary discourses of exclusion and is bolstered by legal structures and surveillance techniques that marginalise and remove and the flights of minority citizens; this is linked to the rise of populism

Staeheli, 2011

• Citizenship is multifaceted and embedded in relationships that construct places and link to wider networks; it is a slippery concept used as a legal category, a claim, an identity, a nation building tool and an ideal; it is a status and a set of relationships constructed through physical and metaphorical boundaries in sites that give it meaning

• Physical borders are promoted as a way to protect citizens from ‘illegal immigrants’ who may do harm and act as part of a larger dynamic of othering key to how citizenship is imagined and reinforced through discourses of fear; neoliberalism reasserts an ‘active citizenship’ where citizens must be respectful and aspirational enforced through policy, social norms, collective values and technologies of border enforcement 

• The borders of citizenship are everywhere from the public and private to the national and postnational to leave behind the state as spaces exist everywhere where citizenship can be experienced, exercised and constructed in a place as a result of the interactions of the state, civil society and the market

• Citizenship is always in formation, never static, settled or complete; acts of citizenship become more important than citizenship as a status as it becomes entwined in practices and relationships

Marshall, 2013

• Since the Second Intifada, trauma relief has served as the primary justification for a range of international humanitarian aid projects targeting Palestinian children and youth as these aid projects presume the default response to violence is trauma, and left unstressed this will lead to aggression and violence

• The focus on personal healing depoliticises the context in which violence occurs to transport the children into a set of symptoms to be treated instead of focusing on empowerment and resistance, this constructs political ideas of Palestinian wartime childhood

• This response of the donor community privileges Western understandings of trauma whilst downplaying the resilience of the Palestinian youth; this medicalises discourses and frames children as risky and unruly subjects that must be transformed into self-regulating individuals with little room for further political action or engagement

• The children are framed as passive victims of nameless violence in need of external intervention rather than political subjects capable of understanding, resisting and healing from violence

Dirik, 2022

• The Rojava Revolution is an ongoing society building effort emerging in majority Kurdish regions in the context of the Syrian war to form democratic self governance in Rojava, northern Syria since 2012; this is a radical form of democratic citizenship as a consciousness raising effort against the state system in an emancipation from state-centric ways of articulating political will, justice and wider geopolitical interests

• The emergence of new transnational social movements, migration and forced displacement mark an occasion to investigate issues around citizenship, migration, colonialism, democracy and groups at the margin of the nation-state that find solidarity in new political meanings; this encourages efforts to rethink citizenship and forms of political belonging in the light of emerging transnational social justice movements and democracy from below

• The Rojava Revolution seeks to build a radical democracy based on the political participation of groups historically excluded from mass decision making and conceptualises citizenship as a holistic practice across all spheres of life and is offered as a solution across the Middle East to authoritarianism and violence by overcoming hierarchy, power and domination

• This redefined citizenship and allows it to become enacted through local participatory democracy, social contracts and political vocabularies that have allowed the Kurdish people to be referred to as ‘the largest nation without a state’ as they form a newly liberated mentality through a radical citizenship that reimagines political belonging outside of the state

Horschelmann & El Refaie, 2014

• Young people’s lives are entangled with international politics in a way that forms a youth citizenship across and beyond national borders through specific lines of connection actualised in performances of citizenship identities and dissent with the state

• The active participation of the youth in the protest movements against the war in Iraq in 2003 showed their citizenship extended beyond local and national policy concerns to international politics; they pursue hybrid identities and political allegiances that rise from their connectivity and relationships across international distances

• The youth are therefore central to transnational forms of citizenships due to their increasingly entangled lives as well as the growing influence of social media that compresses space and time; they are more likely to take on diverse political perspectives and favour flexible transnational citizenships

Hyndman, 2003

• A feminist analysis of citizenship triggers a shift to the ambiguous spaces in which citizenship operates on an embodied level, this is useful in offering an accountable, intersectional understanding of power, space and affect by recognising the voices of those often marginalised

• In a study of war and violence, a feminist perspective attempts to shift the focus from nation scale conflict to focus on the everyday functions of citizenship produced and reproduced through time

Mountz, 2020

• The death of asylum is going unnoticed, yet becomes visible when money is invested in walls, fences, interception and detention rather than in processing claims and legal avenues to entry 

• People who are displaced by violence must travel elsewhere to survive, yet countries close their doors and therefore become complicit in deaths occurring in the search for asylum

• In public discourses and the closure of geographical and legal routes to safety asylum is being lost from its birth in Geneva in the Human Rights Convention to help those displaced by WW2; now the Global North shuts down paths to protection and attempts to contain displacement in detention centres

• Asylums deterioration began at sea in the Caribbean where the US first intercepted, detained and returned Haitian and Cuban nations, this has been taken on by other countries who prohibit people from entering their territories where they can make a claim; detention centres are formed such as the US in Mexico and Guatemala or Nauru for Australia to tackle marine arrivals yet condemning people to poor conditions of deprivation and sexual violence 

• Asylum becomes diseased in public discourse and declines rapidly with children into the US seen as illegal security threats, they were detained and told to go home by protesters 

• Although asylum reaches new heights governments continue to invest in policing and detention to contain displacement while looking away from humanitarian crises in Central America, the Mediterranean and Syria to become complicit in migrant deaths around the world

• In some sites asylum services, such as protection in origin countries and refugee camps where those displaced do not enjoy the recognition of the law but have access to shelter and basic provisions closer to home

Torres et al., 2023

• Transformations to asylum policies at the US-Mexico border between 2018 and 2020 led to new quotas on entry and deployment of lockdown to limit asylum opportunities, the response to this was the formation of informal waiting lists to create intimate geographies of waiting and hoping with particular impacts on women and children

• There are hundreds of Mexican children, women and families waiting on the border in shelters, they experience a slow violence of waiting and the everyday experience of bordering as state borders extend beyond the territorial lines of the nation state to other sites and with other actors; the US-Mexico border bureaucracy extended to the everyday experience of waiting 

• Waiting acts as a state and disciplinary practice of exclusion and state withdrawal as refugees are forced to wait indefinitely, it is used as a tactic of diversion to delay and block claims

• The shelters were filled with women and children, they were dangerous with a lack of privacy, strict rules, limited personal freedom, sexual abuse etc. that compilled in a slow violence to lead to serious psychological consequences  

• Despite these negative impacts there was also a form of migrant agency and resistance as lists made people visible to the state, they were able to assert their right to legal standing and become legible to border authorities

• It also formed solidarity and organised legitimacy between women and mothers who would share information on the list, coordinate visits to the list administrator, share resources, look after children whilst others went to work jobs and shared access to education

Nixon, 2011

• There is a need to rethink slow violence as the type of violence that occurs gradually and out of sight, that is delayed in its destruction and dispersed across time and space; it is typically not viewed as violence at all

• As violence is customarily conceived as an event or action that is immediate, explosive and is instantly visible, there is a lack of attention to slow violence that is incremental and accretive; this can take shape in terms of climate change, the thawing cryosphere, toxic drift, deforestation, radioactive aftermath of wars, acidifying oceans and many other slowly unfolding environmental catastrophes

• There is a representational obstacle that hinders our efforts to mobilise and act decisively against slow violence and the long dyings that are staggered; there should be new efforts to politically and emotionally strategically represent slow violence in the media to publicise stories of compounding, temporally dispersed and multiplying slow violences in a way that is equally cataclysmic to instantaneous, explosive violence

Jones, 2016

• 2014 and 15 saw an unprecedented scale of global migration with nearly 60 million people displaced globally; the media captured this alongside the idea that violence at borders is inevitable when less developed and less orderly countries rub against the rich and developed states to take on ideas such as Trumps

• The idea that borders are natural parts of the human world and migration is driven by traffickers and smugglers should be disrupted to show that the border produces the violence that surrounds it, the hardening of borders through new security practices is a source of violence, not a response to it

• The movement of people has always been seen as a threat to states and their resources, meaning borders have been constructed to limit this movement since the Roman’s Hadrian’s Wall to the introduction of passports and visas in the C20th, new ways to limit movement are always arising due to the failure of the last

• There are multiple levels of violence at borders ranging from the visible forms such as the bodies of migrants to the systematic and subtle forms of violence including psychological harm, maldevelopment and deprivation; there are nuanced experiences of violence that exist at borders

• There are overt violences of border guards and security infrastructure such as drones; however there is also the use of force and power, limiting access to resources, impacts to economic wellbeing and direct harm to the environment and climate change regulations

• Borders should be seen as inherently violent, engendering systematic violence systems to people and the environment; there is now a need to reconsider the damaged that militaries borders and resources enclosures do to humanity and the Earth

Davies et al., 2026

• Borders are sites of mass injury where less-than-deadly violence plays a key role in controlling groups, producing debilitation and reproducing the border regime at contemporary borders as EU states routinely deny the right to asylum by imposing the ‘right to maim’ 

• The use of less-than-deadly harms allows mass injustice to become politically tolerated; in Bosnia and Serbia at the Balkan Route into the EU direct and slow violence enacted through border pushback manage populations through deliberate, calculated and routine biopolitical action in ways that are absent from death tolls and allow states to continue to appear liberal whilst practicing illiberal actions such as severe beatings and deliveries of injury at the border

• These maiming practices have immediate bodily effects to block asylum claims but also have a temporal aspect as they discourage future border transgressions; there is also a form of slow violence in shelters that lack appropriate facilities and are overcrowded to form conditions that stop injuries from healing and create injuries in their own right such as slower infections

• Despite this violence, the EU takes on a humanitarian cosplay where it refutes accusations of border brutality and invests in a function that the perpetrators were rescuing, protecting or saving lives 

• Borders become a space of debilitation designed to erode the capacity of people on the move through non-leathal violence used as a form of biopolitical control and state violence below the threshold of liberal acceptability

Western, 2023

• Belonging can be remapped in Athens as the city is one of circles and circulations of nonlinear geographies, anti-border struggles, anticolonial pasts and futures, migrations and mobilisations; the people are able to come together in communities to make new choreographies in the dance circle, find belonging in footworks and step outside of the restrictive rhythms of the nation in movements of spatial resistance 

• Circles give shape to movements and collective expression through dance and song representative of struggles and resistance, this stems from an anticolonial politics pushing away from colonial borders and ethnonationalist limits on belonging in an opening up of the city

• Citizenship in Athens is not about seeking citizenship as is, but about unmaking and remaking meanings to decouple citizenship from national identities and exclusions but to communities at the street level who share struggles and new solidarities as part of a Mediterranean city-circle 

• Movements in dance footwork allow for the sharing and coming together of cultures and see the youth make new dances out of diverse traditions that fit together in the dance circle and in the city to deliberately step out of the restrictive rhythms of national citizenship

• Dance becomes a form of belonging and migratory citizenship embodied as dancers share an open circle filled with their traditions and movements as they dance through differences and identities to loosen ideas of the nation and tradition through their choreography and improvisation

• The dance circle becomes a space of belonging, liberation and anticolonial sentiment, it is a rhythm of spatial resistance seeking to recognise the manner in which dance and the city are bound by movement and diverse communities of struggle

Dimpfl & Smith, 2018

• Higher education in the US is essential to creating global citizens with global generosity and justice oriented contributions to global labour markets; however, this ignores local connections to racial inequality and injustice that can be seen in attention to student activism and housekeeping work mediated through power arrangements that shape who has the right to the university space

• There are questions over who is excluded and included in the intellectual cosmopolis of university life as low waged workers and student activists remain marginalised in their contribution to the social reproductive labour that upholds the university in creating privileged global citizens

• The university space becomes an intimate paradox where gendered and racialised systems of oppression continue to operate through white supremacy in faculties, the majority of housekeepers being women of Southeast Asian and African American ethnicity and Black students being marginalised; yet this creates a space for radical cosmopolitanism where activists can reassert what matters and who belongs in these spaces demanding decolonisation through caring practices

• The global education hides the university as a produce of global flows, gendered and racialised divisions that stem from colonialism and white supremacy; there are questions now over who has the right to university spaces, how they are reproduced through certain regimes of power and how new spaces should be constructed that are reoriented towards social justice

Ho, 2011

• Diaspora strategies aimed at professional and business class migrants have grown in popularity among governments in sending states who wish to enhance their country’s global competitiveness in the knowledge based economy, they seek to mobilise human capital and international business links to develop global economic links through elite subjects for nation-building ends 

• The diaspora can be mobilised to facilitate transnational financial exchanges in a process of territorialization that reinforces the state’s right to govern outside of its physical boundaries; this sees the diaspora become a strategy of elite mobility encouraged through tax breaks and the creation of institutions of belonging

• These immigrant regimes promote economic development through managed immigration policies; yet this may obscure previous labour sending strategies and those who remain; human movement becomes the duty of the state through notions of membership, rights and duties in dispersed emigrant populations

Mavroudi, 2008

• Pragmatic citizenship can be used to recreate citizenship in relation to national identity to make it more relevant and inclusive for those with complex identities, legal status and statelessness with a particular relevance for migrants, women and those marginalised in diasporas

• Relationships between citizenship and national identity are complex as migrants in diasporas can have multiple attachments, feelings of belonging and political loyalties but by decoupling citizenship and national identity a flexible, pragmatic citizenship can be formed allowing for multiple feelings of belonging in a radically inclusive manner 

• Pragmatic citizenship reconceptualises citizenship to make it more inclusive and relevant for those in diasporas, it can be strategic and rise out of necessity for those stateless

• In Palestinian diasporas in Athens there is a desire to attain Greek citizenship without letting go of feelings of belonging to the Palestinian homeland

• Palestinians see pragmatic citizenship as closely related to the holding of passports that allow for travelling with protection and security, this provides official belonging to the Greek state but does not have to necessitate strong feelings towards the country whose citizenship has been obtained, but allows for multiple or dual attachments in a radical inclusiveness

• This does not weaken their attachment to their home nation, but instead strengthens their ability to support the cause abroad and find security and community in external diasporas

Proglio, 2021

• Black migrants have increasingly come to symbolise the instability and insecurity of space in the Mediterranean, they are seen as victims or as criminal threats; this has informed an increasingly repressive border regime in the Mediterranean as they become militarised to reassert territorial sovereignty

• The possibilities of political asylum have dramatically reduced in the Mediterranean with populist leaders seeking to exploit instability and blame migrants for daily challenges; this anti-Black racism sees a whitening Eurocentric gaze reproduce the conditions of exclusion from human rights, political asylum and territorial citizenship

• The Black Mediterranean captures of a long history of racial subordination and resistance in the region to better understand the reproduction of racialisation through limited mobilities, broader technologies and colonial legacies to draw on W.E.B Du Bois colour line theory of exclusion and differential inclusion as Black people are controlled through legislation, police power and cultural controls

• Many Black populations in the Mediterranean are migrants, refugees and asylum seekers who fled to Europe from their homelands in sub-Saharan Africa enduring disproportionate levels of violence, abuse and danger throughout their journeys as a result of enduring discourses on the Black refugee to form specific conditions in the Black diaspora where multiple racisms operate 

• The Black Mediterranean can also be used to emphasize Black resistance and reveals a transnational geography based on those Black people who experienced violence through the colonial achieve; there is a powerful ethnic-political demand seeking to collect, share and re-actualise knowledges and breakdown colonial norms

Du Bois, 1903

• W.E.B Du Bois was one of the most important intellectuals and activists of the C20th, he spoke about the intersections of race, empire and White supremacy with his activism making the case for greater engagement with decolonial geopolitics

• The colour line showed that fundamental elements of world politics were not states or territory, but race, imperialism and structures of White supremacy seeing that events such as WW1 must be understood in relation to race

Laketa, 2017

• In the post-conflict city of Mostar in Bosnia and Herzegovina there are stark divisions that reproduce the ethnic divides of the city; this is key to the affective and emotional identities felt by young people in their everyday lives that work to reproduce these socio-spatial relations

• The city is divided into two main ethnic groups by infrastructures such as the Old Bridge that designate the spaces of the Bosnian/Muslim and Croatian/Catholic populations, this border is shifting and constantly negotiated but forms difficult affective identities when crossed to form a sticky space where this emotional intensity limits capacities to act

• The sides are important to the daily lives of young Mostarians with their everyday activities confined to designated spaces, through habitual and ritualised practices such as sports, errands, socialising etc. the imaginary division is reified; this is also narrated through words, names and sayings such as referring to sides as ‘our’ of ‘their’ to see the power of language and everyday activities producing an ontological effect and creating identities

• The school is also a site of struggle with no common curriculum and teaching of one-sided views of events to recreate categories, the Bulevar road also forms of sticky space where affective experiences of discomfort limit agency

Butler, 1990

• Power is not found in the exchanges between subjects, but it is in the very production of the binary frame of ‘male’ and ‘female’ that thinks about gender

• Being female is not a natural fact, but a cultural performance due to the repetition of constrained acts that produce the body in a gendered norm

• The female is no longer a stable notion as the political stakes of designating the origins of gender are revealed in a genealogical critique

• ‘Drag implicitly reveals the imitative structure of gender itself’ shows how drag exposes the social construction of gender identities

Fredericks, 2013

• In the 2012 Senegalese presidential elections the urban youth animated a huge opposition movement leading to the defeat of President Wade through encouraging voter registration, public critique and mass mobilisation; key factors in this youth action where the engagement of rappers and the power of hip hop as a medium of political identity and language of resistance

• Through a network of virtual, audio and urban spaces rappers led the protests through politicised messages on the political scandal, faltering economy and legality of Wade’s candidacy in 2012 to inspire public reflection on the political stage and form a political identity in the youth urban space where generational struggles had previously marginalised these groups

• Hip hop culture facilitates new discursive spaces for self expression and becomes a voice of resistance for young men who assume the role of spokesmen for their communities, this sees a breaking down of centre and periphery borders as hip hop generally associated with ghetto spaces on the fringes of the city become central to reimagine the city 

• This also connects to global citizenships as rap is a language of local but also global diasporas of youth protest allowing the Senegalese youth to reassert their membership within the global community; this is especially true for an identification with the global black diaspora who share legacies of struggle within global black history and culture

Darling & Burridge, 2025

• Hotels are now central for accommodating and containing asylum seekers and refugees; they are durable and important sites of bordering that manifest the tensions of state responses to asylum seekers in violent displacements and detachment from everyday life

• The hotel is a critical site for reproducing asylum systems by filtering and containing mobile subjects and therefore is fundamental to everyday bordering and value production; it is open to ‘genuine’ refugees but also has the right to expel and differentiate 

• Cultural associations of the hotel as a site of leisure and escape sit in tension with the space of the hotel as one of emergency accommodation and detention; this situates the hotel in a space of tension between the logics of carceral conditions and limited hospitality

• The hotel becomes a location for control, containment and bordering based on violent colonial logics; there is a unique intersection of care and control that represents wider struggles faced by liberal democracies in reconciling international obligations to provide refuge with a desire to deter those seeking asylum and manage migration

Nygren, 2003

• There have been several waves of violence, displacement and distress for Nicaraguan people in recent years, beginning with the Civil War in the 1980s to current postwar instability and insecurity; the Civil War has not been resolved neatly and continues to leave wounds in society and form psychological trauma

• When the Contra War broke out in the early 1980s, heavy fighting broke out in Rio San Juan with base camps and training camps established to displace thousands from their homesteads; many were recruited to the army, sent to camps or caught in the armed conflict and forced to leave

• Many displaced by war sought refuge in Costa Rica to total almost 30,000 at the time of the Civil War, these people left their land quickly, leaving behind houses, crops, animals and family members; finding shelter in a foreign country was seen as humiliating and many were deprived of resource and social bases leading to huge material and emotional loss

• By the mid 1980s nearly 62% of the national budget was spent on defence, leading to a loss of budget for social and economic reconstruction alongside SAPs that worsened the standard of living for many 

• Those who had returned to their homes lived in destitution, and were forced to engage in complex arrays of income generating activities including the informal sector or migrating for seasonal work and sending back remittances; this led to men abandoning their wives and children to take up work

• The lives of people in Rio San Juan remain overshadowed by anguish and fear as hostility is interwoven with the government’s insufficient efforts at postwar reconciliation; tension becomes manifested in illnesses with many reporting headaches, weakness, insomnia as well as distrust between neighbours

• SAPs also work to marginalise women as patriarchal discourses reemerge and a lack of education provisioning prevents women from entering schools and finding work

Brambilla & Jones, 2019

• The border may be reconceptualised as a borderscape where many struggles play out based on complex and entangled tensions resulting in violence and conflict but also with the possibility for resistance and struggles; the border is a market of belonging but also a place of becoming 

• Historically borders were tools of violence to assert, maintain and spread political power; they were an act of separation that maintained the territory and knowledge of the Western nation state as both physical but also epistemic ways of thinking of the boundary line of territory; they are political arrangements used to divide and exclude

• Borderscaping challenges the border line as a linear, stable, unchanging, definitive place but instead a new mobile, relational and contested everyday process felt at the body; this opens up a space for new possibilities for agencies and subjectivities

• There may be an opportunity to move away from a politics of fear to a politics of hope by acknowledging the possibilities for knowledge production, tactics and subjectivities at the margin of the state

Pickering, 2010

• Borders are spaces where political and material resources are mobilised for defence, physical exclusion of people and the enactment of identifying people as illegal symbolic of moral panics around unregulated migration flows

• The nonlinear journeys of women across borders shows many vulnerabilities, particularly in relation to sexual and gender-based violence and political community 

• There is also a possibility for resistance at the border for women; however, this is limited

Solis & Heckert, 2020

• Immigration law can enact legal violence that leads to adverse health outcomes for pregnant and post-natal women in abuse relationships, this can lead to a heightened sense of entrapment during pregnancy and an increased vulnerability at the US-Mexico border region of El Paso

• Legal violence can occur as immigration laws threaten and coerce victims to entrap them in relationships, this is important as material and infant health are impacted by stress and pregnancy can be a time of greater emotional and financial vulnerability 

• For Sara, difficulties completing documentation, the burden of evidence and economic insecurity due to not being able to work entrapped her in an abusive relationship; this led to constant stress and hypervigilance 

• For Sofi, she was unable to qualify for prenatal care due to her immigration status so married her abuser for insurance; the emotional distress she experienced in relation to the abuse and her immigration status contributed to embodied health vulnerabilities as her children were born at low weights

• This shows how health vulnerabilities can come about through the legal system as immigration laws reinforce entrapment and the resultant stress can have negative health outcomes

McGee & Pelham, 2018

• Calais has been home to thousands of asylum seekers and is seen as a flashpoint of international geopolitics on immigration, border controls and the rights of refugees; it sees much violence and a lack of recognition and aid from the French state however set against the formal humanitarian void there has been a wave of politicised grassroots humanitarian organisations that reshapes the camp as a contested terrain where inclusion and rights are produced 

• Play4Calais was set up in 2015 as an apolitical pop up cinema initiative to provide hope, escapism and therapy to foster humanity in the Jungle; the Refugee Youth Service forms a safe space for children through recreation activities, solidarity and safeguarding to see volunteers deploy play, sport, cinema and art as an alternative to professional registers of aid delivery 

• Play4Calais set up a new sports field and bought in shirts reading ‘WE ARE HUMAN’ to centre around rights based narratives; after witnessing the destruction of community spaces in the Jungle the group began lobbying against the oppression actions of the French state, they were successful in bringing rights making claims to the ‘rightless’ refugees and formed a new context to configure possibilities of life and resistance 

• Grassroots humanitarianism opens up the possibility for political struggle and the imagination of new worlds of hope, compassion and solidarity

Oman, 2010

• Human security theorists and practitioners focus on the plight of individuals in distress as a consequence of the unrealizability in practice of their human rights

• ‘Rights to have rights’ is a useful notion to offer insights into those who develop the notion of human security in a way that services humanitarian rather than strategic goals and forms a legitimate basis for human rights rather than a universal condition

• Arendt shows how there is greater vulnerability of those who find themselves in legal limbo outside of the realm of membership in a state; now human security examines those who cannot realise their human rights in terms of physical safety and economic and social well-being

• Statelessness leads to estrangement from human rights and the unavailability of rights based practices; government protection is no longer applicable as no state is responsible for enforcement

Holston & Caldeira, 1998

• Disjunctive citizenship shows how citizenship is unevenly accessible to groups, genders, races and classes

• This shows that citizenship plays out in heterogenous ways e.g. slums vs private housing

• This can be used to inspire insurgency, especially in the difference machine of the city