T&M Combined

Lucas 2006 2019

Leading figure empirically mapping transport related social exclusion (TRSE) in a UK context. Later adds to research: time-based, fear-based, and spatial barriers. Also adds a growing concern that new tech (self-drive, platforms) will reproduce or even worsen TRSE

Mattioli et al 2016

Trasport Poverty, forced car ownership- global North context, rural exlusion, limits of private provision of transport

Kenyon et al 2003

Defines TRSE: Process by which people are prevented from participating in economic, political, and social life due to insufficent mobillity in a society built around the assumption of high mobility

Sheller + Urry 2006

New Mobilities Paradigm. Mobility is never neutral: it reproduces and is reproduced by social heirarchies. Social science assumes sedentarism- life rooted in fixed places- and movement between is a neutral background process. THey reject this and say moveemnt in constituitive of social lie. 5 mobilities: corporeal (bodies), physical (supply chains), imaginatives (media/tv), virtual (internet), Communicative (letters, phone calls).

Also acknowledges ‘moorings’ and rejects the romanticism of pure flow. Calls for new methods: go-alongs, video ethnography.

Cresswell 2006

Injustice at the level of the individual movement’s politics. 6 elemens of the politics of mobility: force, velocity, rhythm, route, experience, friction. Each opens a justice question. Is force coerced or voluntary (refugee vs elite travel). Velocity- whose movement is sped up/slowed down. Friction- whose made to stop (borders, fear, tolls)

Sheller 2018

Mobility Justice- must be theorised across scales: body, street, city, nation, planet. Introduces Kinopolitics: transport infrastructure as inherently political. e.g. Chile 2019 fare evasion protests → metro as a site of resistance. in dialogue with MAssey (2004) on power geomitries

Lubitow et al 2020

Even when phyical access to transport exists, the experience of that transit is shaped by gendered violence. This is fear-based exclusion. Mobility justice must address quality + safety of movement, not just distribution

Smeds et al 2020

London based night-time mobilities. Policy constructs a ‘mobile subject’ that is gendered, racialised, classed. Women’s legitimate right to nighttime mobility is conditioned by respectability politics and fear.

Parikh 2018

Mumbai based night time- constant negotiation for women of respectability, colonial-based assumptions about public space, and coass-intersected fear. Good G.S case

Pedroso + Aldred 2023

Cycling as women of colour. Draws on bell hooks ‘oppositional gaza’. Cycling world not built or advertised for them. Also excluded from any descision making about the future- creating a continuing cycle (ha)

Loopmans et al 2022

Transgender fear on public transport

Osei + Aldred 2023

Black men cycling: racial profiling + hyper visibility

Sen 2009

Capabilities approach: asks what people can actually do and be rather than just what resources are available

Rawls 1971

(Political Philosophy) Rawlsian difference principle. Inequalities are only just if they work to the benefit of the least advantaged members of society.

Karner et al 2023

We are better, in ‘mobilities justice’, at spotting injustice than actually proposing just alternatives

Perrotta 2017

Uses qualatative methods to assess fare affordability. Pushes back against abstract cost thresholds. Fare evasion as a question of justice, not criminality

Plyushteva + Boussaw 2020

Direct and indirect impacts of ‘foregone journies’. Trips someone did not take bacuse of cost, fear, inaccessibility, this is not considred in economic models, rendering them invisible. How can we progress if this is not considered

Soliz + Perez-Lopez 2022

Footbridges in Latin America. They seem to be, and claim to be, a safety measure, positive for pedstrians byt in reality, they function to preserve uninterrupted trafic flow

Cooke et al 2022

Focuses on vulnerable young ‘non-motorised transport users’ - people who depend on walking and cycling in Zambia, S.A, Rwanda. Argues that proximity does not equal usability. Draws from Sen (2019) on access

Star 1999

Key writer of infrastructural turn. infrastructure is fundamentally relational. Something is infrastructure in relation to organised practice, not in itself. Also argues that infrastructure is typically invisible until it breaks down- when stuff breaks, the scaffild becomes visible

Graham + Marvin 2001

Critical infrastructure studies. The Modern Infrastructural Ideal (MII): the post-war vision of standardised provision (Keynes style). Seems egalitarian on surface but reality is ‘splintering urbanism’ - noeliberal privatisation, deregulation etc. has fractured MII, producing infrastructure that serves mobile elires while bypassing or degrading provisions for others. External Critique: MII is Eurocentric- imposed on Global South - not a neutal standard.

Graham 2018

Expands the idea of ‘fracturing’ through ‘elite avenues’. Tolled flyovers literally elevate elite above deprived communities that get demolished and fragmented

Larkin 2013

Poetic and aesthetic dimension of infrastructure. As well as utility, states also build infrastructure to represent themselves. Singal: Modernity, mobility of some, and produce Noise: the immobility, disruption, displacement of others.

Siemiatycki et al 2020

Gendered production of infrastructure- critique cost-benefit-analysis as a mode that serves the already mobile, 9-5, gendered commuter. Ignores the non-linear, care based, multi-modal trip patterns associated with women

Guma et al 2023

‘Plug in urbanism’ foreign financed infrastructure. Pre-packaged design from global north or China has little regard for existing mobility patterns. Uses example of Nairobi expressway: elevated toll road that ignores the 62% of journeys made on foot.

Denis + Pontille 2015

Extend Star’s relational ontology into a study of how material ordering (and the work to keep things in order) requires ongoing, skilled and often invisible labour

Schwanen + Nixon 2019

Four tensions of infrastructure and their effects. (1) Openess + Closure (2) Fixity + Fluidity (3) Unity + Fragmentation (4) Visibility + Invisibilty- critique’s Star 1999 here- visibility depends on positionality of actor in relation to infrastructure- not just if its broken. All tensions are generative of social outcomes- they are all contested and navigated along spectrums. Bridges gap of “what is infrastructure” and “what does it do to social life”

Uribe 2019

‘illegible infrastructures’ - names the roads, paths, and improvised networks that do not register in official planning documents & maps. They are rendered invisible by the standards of legibility imposed by the modern infrastructual ideal (MII)

Goodfellow 2020

Critiques discourse of ‘infrastructure gap’ and ‘gap filling’ and how they are defined to the standards of global finance, not the actuall mobility needs (or existing infrastructures) of African urban residents

Mattern 2018

Maintanence is a theoretical framework, ethos, and political cause, not just a technical necessity. Adds feminist angle- domestic and reproductive labour invisible backbone of maintanence work. However not just a ‘celebration’ of repair work. Romanticising repair risks obscuring the labour inequalitites involved

Plyushteva + Schwanen 2023

Infrastructural rhythms- flooding in Manila low income neighbourhood becomes a routine. Maintanence failures, partial breakdowns are incoperated into the everday + planning of local people.

Stehlin + Millington 2024

De-infrastructuring- challenges assumption that transport policy is always additive. Situated in Sao Paulo and Madrid where urban highways have been removed or repurposed to make way for pedestrians or cyclists. However, argues that the politics of this processs are deeply unequal. Often driven by gentrification + middle class urban imaginaries. Those that put up with disruption of road are displaced when it is removed.

Twidle 2017

South African Higway as a text to be read. concept of the everyday in global south context

Goodfellow + Huang 2021

Push back on concept of purely ‘Chinese’ infrastructure projects in Africa. Always entangles and contested between communities, local goverments, elites. Prospect of resistance and political pressure: Addis Ababa- LRT repurposed from profit-making to subsidised infrastructure with politcal pressure

Agbiboa 2020

Modern Infrastructural Ideal’s (MII) dissmisal of paratransit and alternate mobilities is a form of epistemic violence (Spivak 1988).

Srnicek 2016

'Platform Capitalism'- platforms offering a restructuring of capitalism- Marxists- platforms are a particularly efficient way of extracting more value from processes of production and consumption. Takes away from labour and fixed costs (no assets) e.g. Uber. ‘Lean platform’, growth-before-profit strategies

Gibbings 2022

Winnipegs “Ikwe safe rides” FB group indigenous women-led voulunteer ride share service. “emotional infrastructure”

Barns 2020

'Platform Urbanism' - How the increased use of these platforms is reshaping 'the urban'. Mobility but also things like Airbnb- changes the housing market. Platform ecosystems: the relational fields platforms generate once they intermediate (drivers, riders, hosts, guests, advertisers, regulators). Talks about how we know data extraction is occuring, but the apps are too useful to withdraw.

Gebrial 2024

Racial platform capitalism. racialisation is a key organising principle of platform capitalism. Situates platformisation as a 'fix' following the 2008 crash, with platforms subsuming surplus populations. Racialisation of drivers as 'brown' migrant outsiders informs the legal (less protections), and social dynamics of the platform's model.

Stehlin et al 2020

‘moblity fix’. Explores the Heterogeneity of platformisation. Different typologies: Infrastructural thickening E.g. Train company that ventures into bike rentals- for first/last mile. Life Extension, Platform services offered by mobility providers that see their traditional form of operation threatened-E.g. Car2Go & Mercedes Benz. Commoning: peer to peer non profit platforms e.g. Ride Austin. ‘move fast and break things”

Haarstad et al 2023

Freight logistics and the city. The shift to digital infrastructures, is also reshaping the context for urban freight logistics. Digitalisation and platformisation have further added to the workplace demands, fragmentation and individualisation of conditions for workers. Also logitics sprawl presents environmental issues.

Lucas et al 2019

Digital divides, lack of skills, and cognitive barriers. This particularly affects older and younger people, as well as new immigrants, hindering their ability to interact with new technology system.

De Ruijter et al 2024

Ridesourcing platforms structurally dependent on socio-economic inequality. Platforms thrive in areas with high levels of socio-economic inequality due to cheap labour and a significant share of travellers willing to pay for travel time savings and comfort. Gig workers face income uncertainty and lack social security- drivers tend to be oversupplied.

Nguyen + Turner 2023

"Turf wars" emerge in Hanoi as app-based drivers encroach upon the established territories and livelihoods of traditional motorbike taxi drivers. Traditional xe ôm drivers require strong social capital to secure customers. App-based drivers, while needing less social capital to start, require smartphone literacy, creating a barrier for older or less educated individuals

Kuttler 2024

Platform mobilities in Mumbai reinforce socio-economic fragmentation through “capsular succesion” (journeys from gated communited to fenced off ofice park). Argues for an appropriation of platformisation towards Community-based networks and Worker-Centric Approaches in the context of Mumbai.

Van Doorn 2017

Platforms like Uber, Handy, and Alfred dodge employer responsibilities (immunity), squeeze workers through algorithmic surveillance and ratings (control), and treat the workforce as disposable (fungibility). "Low-skill" service jobs being platformised (cleaning, care, delivery) are the same jobs that have always been racially and gender-coded as devalued.

Stehlin + Payne 2023

Disposable infrastructures- sustainability angle. They appropriate public space and then when economic conditions become unfavourable, they leave the mess behind

Cirolia et al 2023

In SS. Africa, platformitisatoin is more the formalisatoin of pre-existing informal motorcycle taxi economies- a dynamic absent in the global north centric typologies (Stehlin). Where in GN we might see ‘commoning’ (formal→informal), in the GS we see a reversal of dynamics- (infromal→formal)

Arubayi 2020

Everyday hidden resistance of mobility workers in Lagos. 1) Route gaming- manipulating visible location to get better dispatch and payment 2) rating manipulation- learning and sharing locations/passanger profiles associated with bad rating, inflating eachother scores manually 3) informal solidarity networks- FB groups, physical congregation where thye share info on surge areas, police enforcement etc. also help eachother financially in times of trouble

Bissel 2018

Commuting: not dead time but a dynamic & transformative practice. Primary counter to Law’s (1999) ‘neuter commuter’ quantitative analysis argument.

Middleton 2022

Urban walking is not the accessible, democratic, emancipatory practice it is romanticised as being; its social and material co-production is shot through with exclusions related to gender, class, age, and embodiment

Hall + Wilton 2017

Disability is not an inherent individual characteristic but is produced through the encounter between bodies and built environments, including transport systems that actively exclude non-normative bodies.

Kamaloni 2019

The airport is a racialised space in which white bodies constitute the unspoken "somatic norm" and non-white bodies are subjected to surveillance, scrutiny, and affective vulnerability that disrupts any claim to neutral mobility

Orjuela + Schwanen 2023

Mobility of care (the journeys required to sustain caring responsibilitie) is structurally devalued in transport planning, and this devaluation is intensified by class and gender; COVID lockdowns exposed this in acute form. Critique of waged economy-centric planning

Jiron + Carrasco 2020

Daily mobility strategies are embedded in social structures (income, gender, age), emplaced in physical space, embodied through bodily experience, and interdependent across households -- none of which trip-based quantitative models capture.

Schindler 2021

Against a passive model of the mobile body. Standard transport research imagines passengers as users who enter an infrastructure, are moved through space, and exit unchanged. Paper argues the opposite: bodies are in a constant, active process of adaptation to the material conditions of transport infrastructure, and this adaptation is sensory, affective, and social all at once. The paper is grounded in air travel, but the argument generalises

Parikh 2018

Women's embodied presence in urban public space at night (Mumbai) is politicised through intersecting ideologies of nation, class, and gendered respectability; fear and surveillance shape mobility choices in ways transport models entirely miss

Law 1999

The "neuter commuter" (cited in lecture notes) Thesis: Mainstream transport research treats the commuter as a homogeneous, rational, and implicitly male agent, erasing the diversity of commuting experience

Adey 2017

"We are all differently abled, and how the world enables or constrains our mobility can be crucial for the living of a good life."

Osei + Aldred 2023

In London cycling participation is skewed by age, gender, and ethnicity.This article studies experiences of Black men cycling in London. Barriers include affordability and access to infrastructure. Racism, stop and search, and representation were also important.

Martinez 2022

The quality of pedestrian infrastructure produces affective and material "socialities" -- welcoming or repelling environments -- that are deeply unequal along class lines; walking in "forgotten places" makes walkers feel forgotten too

Schwanen 2018

Expert knowledge about transport in former and current colonies is shaped by Western colonialisms. Transport experise (traffic modelling, demand forecasts) was developed and calibrated in Western contexts, and then exported to colonies as the correct way to think about transport. After independence, that expertise did not disappear; it was reproduced through the training of local engineers and planners in Western institutions, through development bank conditionalities that required internationally recognised standards, and through the prestige attached to Northern knowledge production. Decolonising transport knowledge is not just a matter of adding Southern case studies to Northern frameworks. It requires changing the frameworks themselves,

Wood et al 2020

Statement of the decolonial turn in transport geography. 3 dynamics that sustain Northen hegemony in the field: (1) scholarship draws almost entirely from expertise modelled and produced in the Global North, postcolonial cities have literally copied or accepted as "developed" the infrastructure models of their former colonial rulers; and people in the Global South continue to adopt the transportation aspirations of foreign cultures, with private cars as status symbols functioning as an internalised Northern aspiration. Third dynamic is particularly interesting theoretically because it shows how coloniality operates not only through structural inheritance but through desire and aspiration, a psychosocial register

Verlinghieri + Middleton 2020

Treating decolonial and global south theory and methodology as a research agenda rather than a curriculum exercise. Well-intentioned efforts to "provincialise" transport knowledge are constrained by the neoliberal university's structural incentives, publication norms, and the gatekeeping functions of Northern-based journals.

Simone 2004

People as Infrastructure. Informal Transport as Theory, Not Case Study. Theoretically generative frameworks for thinking about informal mobility. The network of bodily movement, informal exchange, and social coordination among marginalised urban residents in Johannesburg constitutes infrastructure in a meaningful sense, one that formal planning models cannot perceive because they look for fixed assets and regulated services. Informal infrastructure needs ot be ‘epistemologically prior’ meaning the planner's job is to understand it on its own terms first, because any intervention that ignores it will fail. E.g. Nairobi expressway didn’t do this- ignored Matatu network it displaced.

Klopp et al 2025

‘Missing mobilities’ turn. Informal transport systems represent up to 95 percent of motorised trips in sub-Saharan African cities and up to 50 percent in Latin American cities, yet these widely used modes receive little attention in climate adaptation research, planning, and investment at both global and local levels. One of the few scholars who bridges the epistemological and the applied dimensions directly- building and using open source data in Nairobi where no official data existed.

Keblowski et al 2019

Informal transport has been researched primarily in quantitative transport geography, planning, and engineering where binary conceptions of formality and informality prevail, and that informal transport should be understood as a highly dynamic sector at the vanguard of innovation, digitalisation, and platform urbanism, rather than as a transitional or deficient form. Informal transport generates theoretical innovation on questions of platform urbanism, labour organisation, and digital governance, innovations that are then absorbed by Northern scholarship without adequate acknowledgement. Also post-soviet example that challenges the association of informality with the global south

Enns + Bersaglio 2020

‘Colonial Moorings’. Looking at LAPSSET (Kenya) and Central Corridor (Tanzania) . The coloniality of ‘new and improved’ transport infrastructure. The spatial visions and territorial plans of colonial administrators are reappearing in visions and plans for these new mega-infrastructure corridors today. While it is materially ‘new’ it echoes the promises of enhanced eonnectivity from colonial era- constrains emancipatory potential of infra. led development. They repurpose ‘moorings’ from Sheller & Urry’s mobilities paradigm. Corridors not built for people, rather for designed to meet the needs of global capital and extraction.

Robinson 2006

Southern Urbanism Intervention. Urban theory development has been hampered by the assumed dichotomy between innovative "global cities" in rich countries and imitative "third world" cities. Dissolves catogorisation of cities and instead attends to "ordinary cities," with theory-building grounded in a cosmopolitan comparativism that places all cities within the same analytical field. Gives you the theoretical scaffolding for criticising the diffusionism Schwanen (2018) identifies; pair them explicitly.

Uteng + Lucas 2018

Standard travel demand modelling assumes car ownership, fixed work/home patterns, and income elasticities calibrated to Northern data. In cities with high paratransit dependence, informal settlements, and complex multi-modal trip-chaining, these models misrepresent mobility entirely. It shifts the decolonisation argument from epistemology to technique, showing the paradigm bias has material consequences for planning.