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Main goal of congress:
representing constituents within a complicated web of separated
institutional powers to govern the nation
Representation is the link between citizens (constituents) and their
political agents (lawmakers)
Constitutional responsibilities
taxing and spending, declaring war, impeaching presidents, override
vetos, confirm appointments.
Congress is made up of two chambers with different
constituencies and rules
bicameralism
Two main jobs of congress:
reelection and good policy
Why is there sometimes tension between pursuing reelection on one
hand, and advancing good policies on the other?
single-member, plurality-winner seats
proportional representation
party list systems
How could proportional systems lead legislators to think differently than in the US?
aimed at winning votes at a national level + pleasing national party leaders
Mayhew calls reelection the “proximate” goal of members of Congress. What does he mean by this?
Members must satisfy this goal before they can satisfy
any others and few members “feel” safe
expected incumbent differential
advertising, credit claiming, position taking
Take credit for governmental action
credit claiming
public enunciation of an issue position
Position Taking
the two congresses has members as
representatives and lawmakers
Legislative behavior is driven by reelection
electoral connection
The design of congress was shaped by these forces:
experience with colonial governments
the example of british govt
problems under articles of confederation
Articles of confederation
every state represented equally
no executive or judicial authority
Constitutional Convention debates/conflicts
national power and centralization
equal vs. proportional representation
organization of congress
Virginia vs. New Jersey plan
strong legislature (proportional) vs. weak legislature (equal)
1) House elected proportionally by public 2 ) Equal representation in the Senate
Connecticut Compromise
postponed the divisive issue of slavery by counting each enslaved person as three-fifths of a person for the purpose of apportioning House seats
The Three-Fifths Compromise
Each of these papers lays out of the basics of the main American
political institutions: mainly an argument for why the American
public should trust them
federalist papers
Which federalist paper? The House is largely considered to be closest to the people and the most majoritarian body in the federal government. Elections cannot be under 1 year or over 2 years.
Fed 52
Which federalist paper? focuses on the size the House should be.
Fed 55
What are the concerns Madison in Fed 55 engages with
the number of reps is too small
too many constituents to be knowledgable
will come from an elite class
Which federalist paper? The Senate is largely considered to be farther from the people and is a slow-moving institution
Fed. 62
Concerns with senate in Fed 62
appointment by state legislatures
terms too long
equal rather than prop representation
National election
Vote for parties
Seats divided proportionally
Centralized nominations
Proportional representation
Local elections
Vote for person
Seats provided to winners
Decentralized nominations
plurality-winner districts
True or false: single-member district style systems tend to
reinforce a two party system
true
Single member districts make members of responsive to local rather than
national constituencies
Apportionment causes:
incoherence in the parties
affects representational behavior
influences policy outcomes
undermines electoral competitiveness
Apportionment affects the the development of coalitions in the senate. ex: transportation funds
Lee
True or false: Splitting seats by geography does not limit competitiveness of individual elections
false
a strategy of drawing legislative districts to favor a political party
gerrymandering
Is gerrymandering the primary cause of uncompetitive districts?
no, we observe similar results in house and senate
three sets of factors make a big difference in who decides to run:
legal requirements
local, state, and national factors
personal ambition and risk-acceptance
phenomenon where voters choose all candidates from the same party (i.e., bubble in all candidates “straight” down the ticket)
straight ticket voting
true or false: Party of the president tends to do worse in midterm elections
true
How well a person “fits” within their party influences decisions to run
Sides
term limits in state legislatures
political opportunity structure
the value of incumbency
mayhew:
advertising
ability to claim credit
have a stage to position take
a legal right that allows to send official mail and correspondence through the postal service without paying for standard postage stamps
franking privilege
they deter high quality professional challengers and typically face weak challengers
scare-off effect
Argue personal interest in running for office is necessary precondition
“In this initial step of the candidate emergence process, we suggest
that interest in seeking elective office will be motivated not only by
individual-level "strategic" considerations, but also by attitudinal
dispositions, personal experiences, and demographic characteristics
that fall outside the realm of the political opportunity structures to
which most existing political ambition theory refers”
Fox and Lawless
possible roots of political ambition?
view self as qualified to run for office
ideological motivation
minority status
political upbringing
competitive traits
stage in life
four key factors that determine who wins and loses.
Local factors (the traditional story)
National factors (the new story)
Money
Campaign strategy
single biggest predictor of who wins
partisan lean of a congressional district
an incumbent’s “over-performance” relative to his/her district’s partisanship
incumbency advantage
congressional elections now appear driven by national forces because of
presidents popularity
the state of the economy
split-ticket voting has declined
Article about the cause of nationalization
Fiorina
Indirect benefits of money
dividend effect, signaling effect: bandwagon, horserace advantage
limits amount of money a candidate can donate to own campaign
disclosure requirements
created FEC
limited independent expenditures
Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971
money in elections that is not made in coordination with any candidate
Independent expenditures
Did the limits placed on electoral expenditures by FECA violate the First
Amendment’s freedom of speech and association clauses?
Buckley v Valeo
meant to address two problems:
prevalence of soft money
Prevalence of issue advocacy ads
Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act
money for “party building” rather than to a candidate
soft money
Incorporated groups have the ability to spend unlimited funds in politics as long as it is independent of candidate
Citizens United v FEC
Independent expenditure-only pac; may engage in unlimited spending, may raise unlimited funds
Super-PACS
entities that are exempt from reporting their donor list (e.g., 501(c)s or “political” non-profits)
dark money groups
Individuals have limits placed on how much they can give a
candidate directly
dyadic donations (hard money)
Donations to “Party Building” (Soft Money)
addressed by BCRA
No limit if no coordination with a candidate
Independent Expenditures by Groups (e.g., Super PACs)
links voters and their representatives in Congress
electoral connection
a way for voters every two (or six) years to ensure their representatives are behaving as faithful agents
accountability mechanism
traditional theories of representation
trustee/delegate
whether elected representatives should strictly follow the direct wishes of their constituents (a mandate) or use their own independent judgment and conscience to decide what is best (independence)
mandate-independence controversy
In “Rethinking Representation” Jane Mansbridge identifies four forms of
representation
promissory
anticipatory
gyroscopic
surrogate
representatives are evaluated based on their ability to keep the promises they made to electorate during the campaign
promissory
legislators are now accountable to voters in time 2
anticipatory
When would anticipatory representation have a big impact on
member behavior?
when constituency preferences change
representatives act in a way that voters
approve of without external incentive
The representative instead draws on their own background and
common sense
gyroscopic
How does gyroscopic representation differ from a trustee style of
representation?
gyroscopic representatives are driven by their own preferences
Representation by representative in another district
• “Non-territorial” representation rather than dyadic representation
• Individuals and groups turn to representatives with whom they have
a non electoral relationships to advance their interests
• Representatives may feel that their constituency extends beyond
their district
surrogate
Who benefits from surrogate representation?
the affluent, those who lose out in their own district
tied by shared identity or lived experienced
descriptive representation
“what is the role of personal characteristics and experiences in
substantive representation? And second, how do the social-class
backgrounds of Republican and Democratic elected officials affect
their behavior? Political scientists have made progress with both
puzzles in recent decades, though largely overlooking social class and
social mobility as potential causes and consequence of political and
economic change. Such an analysis can improve our understanding
of representation, redistributive policy, and the role of class and
mobility in American politics”
Grumbach
Does the representative faithfully reflects the policy position of constituents?
substantive representation