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"In the social production of their life, men [sic] enter into definite
relations that are indispensable and independent of their will, relations
of production which correspond to a definite stage of development of
their material productive forces. The sum total of these relations of
production constitutes the economic structure of society, the real
foundation, on which rises a legal and political superstructure and to
which correspond definite forms of social consciousness. The mode of
production of material life conditions the social, political and
intellectual life process in general."
Marx
(p. 31, 1859 Preface)
"At a certain stage of their development, the material productive
forces of society come into conflict with the existing relations of
production, or—what is but a legal expression for the same thing—with
the property relations within which they have been at work hitherto.
From forms of development of the productive forces these relations
turn into their fetters. Then begins an epoch of social revolution. With
the change of the economic foundation the entire immense
superstructure is more or less rapidly transformed."
Marx
(p. 31, 1859 Preface)
*this passage appears again in 10/19 lecture on Gramsci
"In considering such [social] transformations a distinction should always
be made between the material transformation of the economic
conditions of production, which can be determined with the precision
of natural science, and the legal, political, religious, aesthetic or
philosophic—in short, ideological forms in which men become
conscious of this conflict and fight it out."
Marx
(p. 31, 1859 Preface)
"[We set] out from real, active men, and on the basis of their real life-
processes demonstrating the development of the ideological reflexes
and echoes of this life-process. The phantoms formed in the brains of
men are also, necessarily, sublimates of their material life-process,
which is empirically verifiable and bound to material premises.
Morality, religion, metaphysics, all the rest of ideology as well as the
forms of consciousness corresponding to these, thus no longer retain
the semblance of independence."
Marx and Engels
(p. 32, The German Ideology)
"The ruling ideas of each age have ever been the ideas of its ruling
class."
Marx and Engels
(p. 44, The Communist Manifesto 44)
"In considering such [social] transformations a distinction should always
be made between the material transformation of the economic
conditions of production, which can be determined with the precision
of natural science, and the legal, political, religious, aesthetic or
philosophic—in short, ideological forms in which men become
conscious of this conflict and fight it out."
Marx
(p. 31, 1859 Preface 31)
The "work of [dream] interpretation
seeks to undo the dream-work"
Freud
(p. 210, The Dream-Work)
"It [homosexuality] was everywhere present in him: at the root of all
his actions because it was their insidious and indefinitely active
principle; written immodestly on his face and body because it was a
secret that always gave itself away. It was consubstantial with him, less
as a habitual sin than as a singular nature."
Foucault
(p. 43, The History of Sexuality)
"As defined by the ancient civil or canonical codes, sodomy was a
category of forbidden acts; their perpetrator was nothing more than
the juridical subject of them. The nineteenth-century homosexual
became a personage, a past, a case history, and a childhood... The
sodomite had been a temporary aberration; the homosexual was now a
species."
Foucault
(p. 43, The History of Sexuality)
"The forbidding of certain words, the decency of expressions, all the
censorings of vocabulary, might well have been only secondary devices
compared to that great subjugation: ways of rendering it [sex] morally
acceptable and technically useful"
Foucault
(p. 21, The History of Sexuality)
crypto-normative tone
"Sex was driven out of hiding and constrained to lead a discursive
existence"
Foucault
(p. 33, The History of Sexuality)
crypto-normative tone
"Toward the beginning of the eighteenth century, there emerged a
political, economic, and technical incitement to talk about sex"
Foucault
(p. 23, The History of Sexuality)
sexuality is not repressed; it is
made useful
"Sex needed to be "managed, inserted into systems of utility, regulated
for the greater good of all, made to function according to an optimum.
Sex was not something one simply judged; it was a thing one
administered"
Foucault
(p. 24, The History of Sexuality)
sexuality is not repressed; it is
made useful
"The assembly-line character of the culture industry, the synthetic,
planned method of turning out its products (factory-like not only in the
[film] studio but, more or less, in the compilation of cheap biographies,
pseudodocumentary novels, and hit songs)..."
Adorno and Horkheimer
(p. 163, "The Culture Industry")
"Mechanization has such power over a man's leisure and happiness,
and so profoundly determines the manufacture of amusement goods,
that his experiences are inevitably after-images of the work process
itself"
Adorno and Horkheimer
(p. 137, "The Culture Industry")
"Mass-produced culture "occup[ies] men's senses from the time they
leave the factory in the evening to the time they clock in again the next
morning with matter that bears the impress of the labor process they
themselves have to sustain throughout the day"
Adorno and Horkheimer
(p. 131, "The Culture Industry")
"The National Socialists [Nazis] knew that the wireless [radio] gave
shape to their cause just as the printing press did to the Reformation.
The metaphysical charisma of the Fürher ... finally turned out to be no
more than the omnipresence of his speeches on the radio... The
gigantic fact that the speech penetrates everywhere replaces its
content. ... The inherent tendency of radio is to make the speaker's
word, the false commandment, absolute"
Adorno and Horkheimer
(p. 159, "The Culture Industry")
"I do not think of my relatives, friends, neighbours, colleagues,
acquaintances, as masses; we none of us can or do. The masses are
always the others, whom we don't know, and can't know. ... To other
people, we also are masses. Masses are other people.
There are in fact no masses; there are only ways of seeing people
as masses"
Williams
(p. 299-300, "Culture and Society: 1780-1950")
"The old rural culture, which is so widely (and sometimes sentimentally)
admired, rested on generations of experience within a general continuity
of common condition. The speed and magnitude of the changes which
broke up this settlement were never fully realized..."
Williams
(p. 311-312, "Culture and Society: 1780-1950")
The answer to the dilemmas of mass communication "lies in conceding
the practice of democracy ... in adopting a different attitude toward
[cultural] transmission, one which will ensure that its origins are genuinely
multiple, that all the sources have access to the common channel"
Williams
(p. 316, "Culture and Society: 1780-1950")
Hegemony "refers to a situation in which a provisional alliance of
certain social groups can exert 'total social authority' over other
subordinate groups, not simply by coercion or by the direct imposition
of ruling ideas, but by 'winning and shaping consent so that the power
of the dominant classes appears both legitimate and natural."
Hebdige
(p. 15-16, "From Culture to Hegemony)
"The school is presented as "a neutral environment purged of ideology ...
where teachers, respectful of the 'conscience' and 'freedom' of the
children who are entrusted to them ... open up for them the path to the
freedom, morality, and responsibility of adults by their own example,
by knowledge, literature and their 'liberating' virtues"
Althusser
(p. 156-157, "Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses")
"[N]o class can hold State power over a long period of time without at
the same time exercising its hegemony over and in the State Ideological
Apparatuses"
Althusser
(p. 146, "Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses")
"[T]he Ideological State Apparatuses may be not only the stake, but
also the site of class struggle, and often of bitter forms of class
struggle"
Althusser
(p. 147, "Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses")
"[I]deology 'acts' or 'functions' in such a way that it 'recruits' subjects
among the individuals (it recruits them all), or 'transforms' the
individuals into subjects (it transforms them all) by that very precise
operation which I have called interpellation or hailing, which can be
imagined along the lines of the most commonplace everyday police (or
other) hailing: 'Hey, you there!'"
Althusser
(p. 174, "Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses")