CRIM 2208 Week 8: Spatial Regulation, Hostile Architecture, and Creative Placemaking

Comprehensive practice flashcards exploring hostile architecture, spatial governmentality, pedestrianism, Business Improvement Areas, policy mobilities, and creative placemaking as compassionate revanchism based on Daniel Kudla's research and lecture materials.

According to Petty (2016), how is hostile architecture defined?

Structures attached to or installed in public spaces in order to render them unusable in certain ways by a specific group.

What urban design concept is depicted in this illustration showing segmented benches, leaning bars, anti-sit ledges, and pavement spikes?

Hostile architecture (defensive architecture) engineered to prevent undesirable uses such as lying down, resting, or skateboarding.

According to Petty (2016), why is the intense public and media emphasis on anti-homeless spikes problematic?

It fixates on overt physical barriers while ignoring the less visually palpable and subtler forms of environmental and spatial control.

What seminal work by Mike Davis (1990) conceptualizes the built environment as an active weapon of social control and spatial fortification?

City of Quartz: Excavating the Future in Los Angeles (specifically Chapter Four, 'Fortress L.A.').

What three key features characterize Mike Davis's analysis of the 'Fortress City'?

The built environment acting as an active weapon, the destruction of the public commons, and the engineering of physical discomfort.

How do the lecture notes define 'spatial governmentality'?

A broader, decentralized, and proactive process of managing risky populations enacted by both state and non-state institutions.

What mechanisms of social control did Shearing and Stenning (1992) identify in 'The Disney Order'?

Producing behavioural order through environmental design, invisible surveillance, and consensual discipline.

How does Nicholas Blomley (2011) define the concept of 'pedestrianism'?

A traffic paradigm that views sidewalks strictly as conduits for uninterrupted linear pedestrian flow rather than as democratic public forums.

How does the municipal logic of pedestrianism recast the social exclusion of marginalized people?

It reframes socio-spatial exclusion as politically neutral traffic engineering and pedestrian safety management.

What term did Huey et al. (2005) coin to describe policing carried out by Business Improvement Areas (BIAs)?

Image-oriented policing, which prioritizes aesthetic order and commercial branding over formal crime control.

What structural transition in governance do Garland (1996) and Bayley & Shearing (1996) associate with BIAs?

Pluralized policing and state 'responsibilization', where private commercial coalitions take on public safety functions.

What dual role do downtown 'Tourism Ambassadors' serve in Business Improvement Areas?

They act as 'knowledge brokers' offering hospitality and directions to consumers while conducting soft surveillance and moving along undesirable populations.

According to Bookman & Woolford (2013), what is the difference between 'policing the brand' and 'policing by the brand'?

'Policing the brand' defends an existing commercial image, while 'policing by the brand' uses branding standards to dictate who and what belongs in public space.

What forms of power do Bookman & Woolford (2013) identify in brand-oriented urban governance?

Aesthetic labour and symbolic violence.

How do Markusen & Gadwa Nicodemus (2010) define 'creative placemaking'?

A strategic cross-sector process animating public spaces through arts and culture to improve business viability, safety, and community interaction.

What urban policy thesis from Richard Florida (2002) heavily inspired Business Improvement Districts to adopt placemaking strategies?

The 'Creative Class' / 'Creative Cities' thesis, which seeks to attract young professionals through vibrant, cool, and pedestrian-friendly downtown spaces.

What is 'compassionate revanchism' as theorized by Hennigan & Speer (2019)?

The convergence of care and punishment in poverty governance, where supportive rhetoric or institutions are deployed to manage and sanitize the poor for capital revitalization.

How does Daniel Kudla (2024) conceptualize the creative placemaking tactic of 'activation'?

As a compassionate revanchist policy that masks visible poverty by dissolving marginalized bodies into programmed, aesthetically pleasing urban spaces.

How does 'activation' differ from traditional punitive revanchism regarding marginalized street populations?

Instead of using police force and criminal citations to physically eject the poor, activation dissolves visible poverty by filling space with events and consumer crowds.

What private placemaking consultancy was brought into London, Ontario to advise on downtown revitalization?

Live Work Learn Play (LWLP), a Montreal-based private urban development consultancy.

In policy mobilities scholarship, what function did Live Work Learn Play (LWLP) serve in the Dundas Place development?

A global policy 'transfer agent' that transferred, narrated, and legitimized fast urban policies and creative placemaking solutions to local municipal actors.

What was the name of LWLP's trademarked commercial tenant recruitment program pitched to London City Council?

The 'Targeted Leasing and Casting' program.

Why did London City Council initially vote $8\text{--}7$ against contributing \{$540{,}000\} toward LWLP's proposed 18-month contract?

Councillors questioned LWLP's retail recruitment record, preferred cultivating local businesses organically, and resisted prioritizing the downtown over other wards.

How did the Downtown London Business Improvement Area (DLBIA) respond after council rejected the 18-month LWLP contract?

The DLBIA used its own organizational funds to hire LWLP for a shorter 4-month contract beginning in May 2016.

Why did DLBIA members state they needed an external firm like LWLP by saying 'you are never a prophet in your own land'?

Because advice from local business associations was often dismissed, whereas an external 'expert' carried authority and could sway municipal politicians.

What German folk legend did DLBIA CEO Janette MacDonald use to frame the downtown's condition to City Council?

The Pied Piper of Hamelin, where LWLP was the piper, its program was the magic flute, and downtown poverty/vacancies were the vermin to be lured away.

In the DLBIA's presentation to City Council, how was this image of a person sitting in a Richmond Street doorway framed?

As an example of 'vacancies and non-targeted uses' that act as figurative 'vermin' deterring downtown investment.

What did LWLP identify as the single 'defining issue in the downtown' during their October 2016 presentation to council?

'Drug Use & Street Culture.'

What spatial weaknesses did LWLP's SWOT analysis blame for the concentration of street culture in downtown London?

Centralized overlapping social services, centralized bus routes, a lack of evening 'eyes-on-the-street', and institutions failing to occupy public spaces.

Why was the City-led revitalization of Market Lane branded an 'orphan child' and a failure by LWLP and the DLBIA?

It won design awards for the 2013 World Figure Skating Championship but was built without ongoing operational management, becoming a perceived foyer of drug use.

What designated zones were proposed in this strategic assessment slide to 'disarm drug use & street culture' in downtown London?

'Green Zones' along Dundas Street (Dundas Place), Victoria Park, and Market Lane.

How did Councillor Squire push back against LWLP's framing of marginalized people in Market Lane?

He identified them as his clients with severe mental disabilities who gather downtown due to loneliness, criticizing LWLP's cleanup strategy as stigmatizing and unhelpful.

What criticism did Councillor Usher raise against adopting LWLP's proposed 'green zone' approach?

He warned that rushing into Market Lane would merely chase vulnerable people off to adjacent streets rather than solving anything.

How did Deputy Mayor Hubert successfully advocate for activation over punitive displacement during council deliberations?

He argued activation acknowledges marginalized individuals' 'peopleNESS' and humanity by incorporating them into the street fabric rather than chasing them away.

What was the capital budget and primary infrastructural design feature of the Dundas Place redevelopment?

A \{$16\text{ million}\} budget featuring a four-block 'curbless' street design that can convert easily into a pedestrian festival corridor.

Who was appointed to the newly created municipal position of 'Dundas Place Manager' in September 2018?

Savanah Sewell.

According to a DLBIA staff member, how did the 'Free Comic Book Day' demonstration illustrate the logic of activation?

The large crowd of superhero fans made panhandling and erratic behaviour blend into the background flow, rendering street poverty tolerable to regular consumers.

Why did the DLBIA advocate for moving municipal transit bus routes off Dundas Street onto King Street and Queens Avenue?

To prevent marginalized individuals from using waiting for a bus as a legitimate pretext to loiter and engage in drug transactions.

How do the seating design elements chosen for Dundas Place demonstrate hostile architecture and CPTED principles?

They incorporate backless, pebble-like stone blocks and partitioned benches engineered to deter resting, lying down, and sleeping.

According to the November 2024 CBC News report, what condition did London City Council impose when approving its encampment response plan?

Council approved funding for shelter responses but mandated setback rules to keep encampment support services away from BIAs.