APUSH Unit 3 College Board Review Questions

From infancy I was taught to love humanity and liberty. Inquiry and experience have since confirmed my reverence for the lessons then given me, by convincing me more fully of their truth and excellence. Benevolence towards mankind excites wishes for their welfare, and such wishes endear the means of fulfilling them. Those can be found in liberty alone, and therefore her sacred cause ought to be espoused by every man, on every occasion, to the utmost of his power. . . .

"These being my sentiments, I am encouraged to offer you, my countrymen, my thoughts on some late transactions, that in my opinion are of the utmost importance to you. . . .

"If the BRITISH PARLIAMENT has a legal authority to order, that we shall furnish a single article for the troops here, and to compel obedience to that order; they have the same right to order us to supply those troops with arms, clothes, and . . . to compel obedience to that order also. . . . What is this but taxing us at a certain sum, and leaving to us only the manner of raising it? How is this mode more tolerable than the STAMP ACT?"

To which of the following was Dickinson responding in his letters?

Increased taxation and imperial oversight following the Seven Years' War

From infancy I was taught to love humanity and liberty. Inquiry and experience have since confirmed my reverence for the lessons then given me, by convincing me more fully of their truth and excellence. Benevolence towards mankind excites wishes for their welfare, and such wishes endear the means of fulfilling them. Those can be found in liberty alone, and therefore her sacred cause ought to be espoused by every man, on every occasion, to the utmost of his power. . . .

"These being my sentiments, I am encouraged to offer you, my countrymen, my thoughts on some late transactions, that in my opinion are of the utmost importance to you. . . .

"If the BRITISH PARLIAMENT has a legal authority to order, that we shall furnish a single article for the troops here, and to compel obedience to that order; they have the same right to order us to supply those troops with arms, clothes, and . . . to compel obedience to that order also. . . . What is this but taxing us at a certain sum, and leaving to us only the manner of raising it? How is this mode more tolerable than the STAMP ACT?"

Which of the following would have been most likely to agree with the sentiments expressed in the excerpt? (John Dickinson)

Merchants in New England

From infancy I was taught to love humanity and liberty. Inquiry and experience have since confirmed my reverence for the lessons then given me, by convincing me more fully of their truth and excellence. Benevolence towards mankind excites wishes for their welfare, and such wishes endear the means of fulfilling them. Those can be found in liberty alone, and therefore her sacred cause ought to be espoused by every man, on every occasion, to the utmost of his power. . . .

"These being my sentiments, I am encouraged to offer you, my countrymen, my thoughts on some late transactions, that in my opinion are of the utmost importance to you. . . .

"If the BRITISH PARLIAMENT has a legal authority to order, that we shall furnish a single article for the troops here, and to compel obedience to that order; they have the same right to order us to supply those troops with arms, clothes, and . . . to compel obedience to that order also. . . . What is this but taxing us at a certain sum, and leaving to us only the manner of raising it? How is this mode more tolerable than the STAMP ACT?"

Based on the excerpt, the most likely purpose of Dickinson's letters was to

use Enlightenment rhetoric to encourage American autonomy

The emancipation of slaves in New England, beginning around 1780, was a gradual process, whether by post nati statute [laws freeing enslaved people born after a certain date], as in Rhode Island and Connecticut, or by effect, as in Massachusetts and New Hampshire, where ambiguous judicial decisions and constitutional interpretations discouraged slaveholding without clearly outlawing it. The gradual nature of the process encouraged Whites to transfer a language and set of practices shaped in the context of slavery to their relations with a slowly emerging population of free people of color. The rhetoric of antislavery and revolutionary republicanism fostered this transfer, undergirding Whites' assumptions that emancipated slaves, likely to be dependent and disorderly, would constitute a problem requiring firm management in the new republic. . . .

"Even more problematic was the promise implicit in antislavery rhetoric that abolition, by ending 'the problem'—the sin of slavery and the troublesome presence of slaves—would result in the eventual absence of people of color themselves. In other words, Whites anticipated that free people of color, would, by some undefined moment (always imminent), have disappeared."

Joanne Pope Melish, historian, Disowning Slavery: Gradual Emancipation and "Race" in New England, 1780-1860, published in 1998

The author argues that emancipation in northern states occurred

over a long period of time

The emancipation of slaves in New England, beginning around 1780, was a gradual process, whether by post nati statute [laws freeing enslaved people born after a certain date], as in Rhode Island and Connecticut, or by effect, as in Massachusetts and New Hampshire, where ambiguous judicial decisions and constitutional interpretations discouraged slaveholding without clearly outlawing it. The gradual nature of the process encouraged Whites to transfer a language and set of practices shaped in the context of slavery to their relations with a slowly emerging population of free people of color. The rhetoric of antislavery and revolutionary republicanism fostered this transfer, undergirding Whites' assumptions that emancipated slaves, likely to be dependent and disorderly, would constitute a problem requiring firm management in the new republic. . . .

"Even more problematic was the promise implicit in antislavery rhetoric that abolition, by ending 'the problem'—the sin of slavery and the troublesome presence of slaves—would result in the eventual absence of people of color themselves. In other words, Whites anticipated that free people of color, would, by some undefined moment (always imminent), have disappeared."

Joanne Pope Melish, historian, Disowning Slavery: Gradual Emancipation and "Race" in New England, 1780-1860, published in 1998

The author claims in the excerpt that antislavery rhetoric in the late eighteenth century was based on

the belief that emancipated people would not be a presence in society

"That a British and American legislature, for regulating the administration of the general affairs of America, be proposed and established in America, including all the said colonies; within, and under which government, each colony shall retain its present constitution, and powers of regulating and governing its own internal police, in all cases whatsoever.

"That the said government be administered by a President General, to be appointed by the King and a Grand Council, to be chosen by the representatives of the people of the several colonies, in their respective assemblies, once in every three years."

Joseph Galloway, "A Plan of a Proposed Union Between Great Britain and the Colonies," proposal debated by the First Continental Congress, 1774

The key concern that Galloway's plan was designed to address was the

lack of American representation in the British Parliament

"That a British and American legislature, for regulating the administration of the general affairs of America, be proposed and established in America, including all the said colonies; within, and under which government, each colony shall retain its present constitution, and powers of regulating and governing its own internal police, in all cases whatsoever.

"That the said government be administered by a President General, to be appointed by the King and a Grand Council, to be chosen by the representatives of the people of the several colonies, in their respective assemblies, once in every three years."

Joseph Galloway, "A Plan of a Proposed Union Between Great Britain and the Colonies," proposal debated by the First Continental Congress, 1774

The excerpt most strongly suggests that in 1774 which of the following was correct?

Some members of the First Continental Congress sought a compromise between submission to British authority and independence.

It was painful for me, on a subject of such national importance, to differ from the respectable members who signed the Constitution; but conceiving, as I did, that the liberties of America were not secured by the system, it was my duty to oppose it.

"My principal objections to the plan are, that there is no adequate provision for a representation of the people; . . . that some of the powers of the legislature are ambiguous . . . ; that the executive is blended with, and will have an undue influence over, the legislature; that the judicial department will be oppressive; . . . and that the system is without the security of a bill of rights. These are objections which are not local, but apply equally to all the states.

"As the Convention was called for the 'sole and express purpose of revising the Articles of Confederation . . . ,' I did not conceive that these powers extend to the formation of the plan proposed; but the Convention being of a different opinion, I acquiesced [agreed] in it, being fully convinced that, to preserve the Union, an efficient government was indispensably necessary, and that it would be difficult to make proper amendments to the Articles of Confederation.

"The Constitution proposed has few, if any, federal features, but is rather a system of national government. Nevertheless, in many respects, I think it has great merit, and, by proper amendments, may be adapted. . . .

"Others may suppose that the Constitution may be safely adopted, because therein provision is made to amend it. But cannot this object be better attained before a ratification than after it? And should a free people adopt a form of government under conviction that it wants [needs] amendment?"

Elbridge Gerry, letter to the Massachusetts state legislature, 1787

Gerry made which of the following arguments regarding amending the Constitution?

A Bill of Rights should be added before ratification.

It was painful for me, on a subject of such national importance, to differ from the respectable members who signed the Constitution; but conceiving, as I did, that the liberties of America were not secured by the system, it was my duty to oppose it.

"My principal objections to the plan are, that there is no adequate provision for a representation of the people; . . . that some of the powers of the legislature are ambiguous . . . ; that the executive is blended with, and will have an undue influence over, the legislature; that the judicial department will be oppressive; . . . and that the system is without the security of a bill of rights. These are objections which are not local, but apply equally to all the states.

"As the Convention was called for the 'sole and express purpose of revising the Articles of Confederation . . . ,' I did not conceive that these powers extend to the formation of the plan proposed; but the Convention being of a different opinion, I acquiesced [agreed] in it, being fully convinced that, to preserve the Union, an efficient government was indispensably necessary, and that it would be difficult to make proper amendments to the Articles of Confederation.

"The Constitution proposed has few, if any, federal features, but is rather a system of national government. Nevertheless, in many respects, I think it has great merit, and, by proper amendments, may be adapted. . . .

"Others may suppose that the Constitution may be safely adopted, because therein provision is made to amend it. But cannot this object be better attained before a ratification than after it? And should a free people adopt a form of government under conviction that it wants [needs] amendment?"

Elbridge Gerry, letter to the Massachusetts state legislature, 1787

Gerry made which of the following arguments in the excerpt about the Articles of Confederation?

The problems of the Articles could not be fixed by the state delegates.

Threatened by popular political victories [in the states] and widespread resistance, many elite Pennsylvanians launched an effort to remake the state and national governments so that they were less democratic. . . . Popular policies and resistance . . . threatened elite ideals. . . . Popular calls for a revaluation of war debt certificates, bans on for-profit corporations, progressive taxation, limits on land speculation, and every other measure designed to make property more equal promised to take wealth away from the elite. . . . It was also threatening that popular politics frightened off potential European investors. . . . [They] were alarmed by the Pennsylvania legislature's 1785 [cancellation] of the Bank of North America's corporate charter. . . .

. . . The push for the Constitution was based in part on the belief that state governments across the new nation had been too democratic and, as a result, had produced policies . . . that threatened elite interests. Most of the men who assembled at the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia in 1787 were also convinced that the national government under the Articles of Confederation was too weak to counter the rising tide of democracy in the states."

Terry Bouton, historian, Taming Democracy: "The People," the Founders, and the Troubled Ending of the American Revolution, 2007

One piece of evidence Bouton uses to support his argument about why some United States political leaders sought to replace the Articles of Confederation in 1787 was that they

opposed the economic policies that some state legislatures pursued

Threatened by popular political victories [in the states] and widespread resistance, many elite Pennsylvanians launched an effort to remake the state and national governments so that they were less democratic. . . . Popular policies and resistance . . . threatened elite ideals. . . . Popular calls for a revaluation of war debt certificates, bans on for-profit corporations, progressive taxation, limits on land speculation, and every other measure designed to make property more equal promised to take wealth away from the elite. . . . It was also threatening that popular politics frightened off potential European investors. . . . [They] were alarmed by the Pennsylvania legislature's 1785 [cancellation] of the Bank of North America's corporate charter. . . .

. . . The push for the Constitution was based in part on the belief that state governments across the new nation had been too democratic and, as a result, had produced policies . . . that threatened elite interests. Most of the men who assembled at the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia in 1787 were also convinced that the national government under the Articles of Confederation was too weak to counter the rising tide of democracy in the states."

Terry Bouton, historian, Taming Democracy: "The People," the Founders, and the Troubled Ending of the American Revolution, 2007

The ratification of the United States Constitution despite the "resistance" described in the excerpt is best understood in the context of which of the following developments?

The agreement by some state delegates to pursue a Bill of Rights

Threatened by popular political victories [in the states] and widespread resistance, many elite Pennsylvanians launched an effort to remake the state and national governments so that they were less democratic. . . . Popular policies and resistance . . . threatened elite ideals. . . . Popular calls for a revaluation of war debt certificates, bans on for-profit corporations, progressive taxation, limits on land speculation, and every other measure designed to make property more equal promised to take wealth away from the elite. . . . It was also threatening that popular politics frightened off potential European investors. . . . [They] were alarmed by the Pennsylvania legislature's 1785 [cancellation] of the Bank of North America's corporate charter. . . .

. . . The push for the Constitution was based in part on the belief that state governments across the new nation had been too democratic and, as a result, had produced policies . . . that threatened elite interests. Most of the men who assembled at the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia in 1787 were also convinced that the national government under the Articles of Confederation was too weak to counter the rising tide of democracy in the states."

Terry Bouton, historian, Taming Democracy: "The People," the Founders, and the Troubled Ending of the American Revolution, 2007

The relationship established between the federal government and the states under the United States Constitution was a long-term response to which of the following earlier developments?

The claims of parliamentary authority over colonial legislatures

I ordered my company to fire,' [George] Washington reported. . . . This incident . . . led to massive French retaliation and the outbreak of what was soon a world war. It raged in North America for six years, 1754-60, in Central and South America, in the Caribbean and the Atlantic, in India and the East, and not least in Europe, where it was known as the Seven Years War (1756-63). . . . Horace Walpole [stated]: 'The volley fired by a young Virginian in the backwoods of America set the world on fire.'"

Paul Johnson, historian, A History of the American People, 1997

Britain attempted to pay for the debt resulting from the Seven Years' War (French and Indian War) by

increasing taxes on goods bought and sold in the colonies

I ordered my company to fire,' [George] Washington reported. . . . This incident . . . led to massive French retaliation and the outbreak of what was soon a world war. It raged in North America for six years, 1754-60, in Central and South America, in the Caribbean and the Atlantic, in India and the East, and not least in Europe, where it was known as the Seven Years War (1756-63). . . . Horace Walpole [stated]: 'The volley fired by a young Virginian in the backwoods of America set the world on fire.'"

Paul Johnson, historian, A History of the American People, 1997

Which of the following contributed to the outbreak of the Seven Years' War (French and Indian War) in North America?

Intensified competition between France and Britain over colonies

I ordered my company to fire,' [George] Washington reported. . . . This incident . . . led to massive French retaliation and the outbreak of what was soon a world war. It raged in North America for six years, 1754-60, in Central and South America, in the Caribbean and the Atlantic, in India and the East, and not least in Europe, where it was known as the Seven Years War (1756-63). . . . Horace Walpole [stated]: 'The volley fired by a young Virginian in the backwoods of America set the world on fire.'"

Paul Johnson, historian, A History of the American People, 1997

The British government attempted to restrict westward settlement following the Seven Years' War (French and Indian War) in order to

minimize conflicts with Native Americans

Resolved, That woman is man's equal....

"Resolved, That woman has too long rested satisfied in the circumscribed limits which corrupt customs... have marked out for her, and that it is time she should move in the enlarged sphere... assigned her.

"Resolved, That it is the duty of the women of this country to secure to themselves their sacred right to the elective franchise.

"Resolved,... That, being invested by the Creator with the same capabilities, and the same consciousness of responsibility for their exercise, it is demonstrably the right and duty of woman, equally with man, to promote every righteous cause, by every righteous means."

Declaration of Sentiments and Resolutions (Seneca Falls Convention), 1848

The language and themes of the excerpt were most directly inspired by the

Declaration of Independence

We are reduced to the alternative of choosing an unconditional submission to the tyranny of irritated ministers, or resistance by force. . . .

"We fight not for glory or for conquest. We exhibit to mankind the remarkable spectacle of a people attacked by unprovoked enemies, without any imputation or even suspicion of offense. They boast of their privileges and civilization, and yet proffer no milder conditions than servitude or death.

"In our own native land, in defense of the freedom . . . , and which we ever enjoyed till the late violation of it—for the protection of our property, acquired solely by the honest industry of our forefathers and ourselves, against violence actually offered, we have taken up arms."

Declaration of the Causes and Necessity of Taking Up Arms, July 1775

Which of the following most immediately built on the ideas expressed in the excerpt?

The publication of the pamphlet Common Sense

We are reduced to the alternative of choosing an unconditional submission to the tyranny of irritated ministers, or resistance by force. . . .

"We fight not for glory or for conquest. We exhibit to mankind the remarkable spectacle of a people attacked by unprovoked enemies, without any imputation or even suspicion of offense. They boast of their privileges and civilization, and yet proffer no milder conditions than servitude or death.

"In our own native land, in defense of the freedom . . . , and which we ever enjoyed till the late violation of it—for the protection of our property, acquired solely by the honest industry of our forefathers and ourselves, against violence actually offered, we have taken up arms."

Declaration of the Causes and Necessity of Taking Up Arms, July 1775

The British Crown's response to actions like those in the excerpt was to

declare the American colonies to be in open rebellion

We are reduced to the alternative of choosing an unconditional submission to the tyranny of irritated ministers, or resistance by force. . . .

"We fight not for glory or for conquest. We exhibit to mankind the remarkable spectacle of a people attacked by unprovoked enemies, without any imputation or even suspicion of offense. They boast of their privileges and civilization, and yet proffer no milder conditions than servitude or death.

"In our own native land, in defense of the freedom . . . , and which we ever enjoyed till the late violation of it—for the protection of our property, acquired solely by the honest industry of our forefathers and ourselves, against violence actually offered, we have taken up arms."

Declaration of the Causes and Necessity of Taking Up Arms, July 1775

Which of the following pieces of evidence could best be used to challenge the assertion in the excerpt that British attacks on the colonists had been "unprovoked"?

A series of popular boycotts, mob protests, and violence against royal officials

We are reduced to the alternative of choosing an unconditional submission to the tyranny of irritated ministers, or resistance by force. . . .

"We fight not for glory or for conquest. We exhibit to mankind the remarkable spectacle of a people attacked by unprovoked enemies, without any imputation or even suspicion of offense. They boast of their privileges and civilization, and yet proffer no milder conditions than servitude or death.

"In our own native land, in defense of the freedom . . . , and which we ever enjoyed till the late violation of it—for the protection of our property, acquired solely by the honest industry of our forefathers and ourselves, against violence actually offered, we have taken up arms."

Declaration of the Causes and Necessity of Taking Up Arms, July 1775

The issuing of the declaration in the excerpt best serves as evidence of the

efforts of colonists to protect their rights as English subjects

In the time of the late war, being desirous to defend, secure, and promote the Rights and Liberties of the people, we spared no pains but freely granted all the aid and assistance of every kind that our civil fathers [political leaders] required of us.

"We are sensible also that a great debt is justly brought upon us by the War, and we are as willing to pay our share towards it as we are to enjoy our shares in independency. . . .

"But with the greatest submission we beg leave to inform your Honors that unless something takes place more favorable to the people, in a little time at least one half of our inhabitants in our opinion will become bankrupt. . . . When we compute the taxes laid upon us the five preceding years, the State and County, town, and class taxes, the amount is equal to what our farms will rent for. Sirs in this situation, what have we to live on: No money to be had; our estates daily posted and sold. . . . Surely your Honors are no strangers to the distresses of the people but do know that many of our good inhabitants are now confined in jail for debt and for taxes. . . . Will not the people in the neighboring states say of this state: although the Massachusetts [people] boast of their fine Constitution, their government is such that it devours their inhabitants?

". . . If your Honors find anything above mentioned worthy of notice, we earnestly pray that . . . [the state legislature] would point out some way whereby the people might be relieved."

Petition from the town of Greenwich to the Massachusetts state legislature, 1786

Which of the following claims did the residents of Greenwich use to most support their argument that they should be "relieved" by the Massachusetts legislature from the situation described in the petition?

They had aided the government during the Revolutionary War.

In the time of the late war, being desirous to defend, secure, and promote the Rights and Liberties of the people, we spared no pains but freely granted all the aid and assistance of every kind that our civil fathers [political leaders] required of us.

"We are sensible also that a great debt is justly brought upon us by the War, and we are as willing to pay our share towards it as we are to enjoy our shares in independency. . . .

"But with the greatest submission we beg leave to inform your Honors that unless something takes place more favorable to the people, in a little time at least one half of our inhabitants in our opinion will become bankrupt. . . . When we compute the taxes laid upon us the five preceding years, the State and County, town, and class taxes, the amount is equal to what our farms will rent for. Sirs in this situation, what have we to live on: No money to be had; our estates daily posted and sold. . . . Surely your Honors are no strangers to the distresses of the people but do know that many of our good inhabitants are now confined in jail for debt and for taxes. . . . Will not the people in the neighboring states say of this state: although the Massachusetts [people] boast of their fine Constitution, their government is such that it devours their inhabitants?

". . . If your Honors find anything above mentioned worthy of notice, we earnestly pray that . . . [the state legislature] would point out some way whereby the people might be relieved."

Petition from the town of Greenwich to the Massachusetts state legislature, 1786

Which of the following evidence used in the petition supports the claim that the Massachusetts government "devours their inhabitants"?

Many Massachusetts farmers were held in debtor's prison.

In the time of the late war, being desirous to defend, secure, and promote the Rights and Liberties of the people, we spared no pains but freely granted all the aid and assistance of every kind that our civil fathers [political leaders] required of us.

"We are sensible also that a great debt is justly brought upon us by the War, and we are as willing to pay our share towards it as we are to enjoy our shares in independency. . . .

"But with the greatest submission we beg leave to inform your Honors that unless something takes place more favorable to the people, in a little time at least one half of our inhabitants in our opinion will become bankrupt. . . . When we compute the taxes laid upon us the five preceding years, the State and County, town, and class taxes, the amount is equal to what our farms will rent for. Sirs in this situation, what have we to live on: No money to be had; our estates daily posted and sold. . . . Surely your Honors are no strangers to the distresses of the people but do know that many of our good inhabitants are now confined in jail for debt and for taxes. . . . Will not the people in the neighboring states say of this state: although the Massachusetts [people] boast of their fine Constitution, their government is such that it devours their inhabitants?

". . . If your Honors find anything above mentioned worthy of notice, we earnestly pray that . . . [the state legislature] would point out some way whereby the people might be relieved."

Petition from the town of Greenwich to the Massachusetts state legislature, 1786

The concern in the petition about the effect of taxation is best understood in continuity with which of the following earlier developments?

The revolt against British imperial control of the North American colonies

Hail Columbia! Happy Land!

Hail ye heroes, heaven-born band,

Who fought and bled in freedom's cause,

Who fought and bled in freedom's cause,

And when the storm of war was gone,

Enjoy'd the peace your valor won—

Let Independence be our boast,

Ever mindful what it cost;

Ever grateful for the prize,

Let its altar reach the skies.

Firm, united let us be,

Rallying round our Liberty,

As a band of brothers join'd,

Peace and safety we shall find. . . .

Sound, sound the trump of fame,

Let [George] Washington's great name

Ring round the world with loud applause,

Ring round the world with loud applause,

Let every clime to freedom dear,

Listen with a joyful ear,

With equal skill, with godlike power,

He governs in the fearful hour

Of horrid war, or guides with ease,

The happier times of honest peace.

Firm, united let us be,

Rallying round our Liberty,

As a band of brothers join'd,

Peace and safety we shall find.

Hail Columbia, popular song, 1798

Which of the following developments best explains the sentiment expressed in the first verse of the song lyrics?

The growth among people in the United States of a sense of national identity

As its preamble promised, the Constitution would 'ensure domestic tranquility' by allowing the federal government to field an army powerful enough to suppress rebellions like those that had flared up in Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and other states. Even more important, the Constitution would 'establish justice' by preventing the state assemblies from adopting relief measures that screened their citizens from either their Continental taxes or their private debts. . . . Excoriating [harshly criticizing] the legislatures for collecting too little money from taxpayers, the bondholders and their sympathizers noted with approval that the Constitution would take the business of collecting federal taxes away from the states and place it firmly in the hands of a powerful new national government."

Woody Holton, historian, "'From the Labours of Others': The War Bonds Controversy and the Origins of the Constitution in New England," William and Mary Quarterly, 2004

Which of the following historical events in the 1790s most directly followed from the developments described in the excerpt?

The federal government established a new economic policy in part by assuming states' debts from the American Revolution.

As its preamble promised, the Constitution would 'ensure domestic tranquility' by allowing the federal government to field an army powerful enough to suppress rebellions like those that had flared up in Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and other states. Even more important, the Constitution would 'establish justice' by preventing the state assemblies from adopting relief measures that screened their citizens from either their Continental taxes or their private debts. . . . Excoriating [harshly criticizing] the legislatures for collecting too little money from taxpayers, the bondholders and their sympathizers noted with approval that the Constitution would take the business of collecting federal taxes away from the states and place it firmly in the hands of a powerful new national government."

Woody Holton, historian, "'From the Labours of Others': The War Bonds Controversy and the Origins of the Constitution in New England," William and Mary Quarterly, 2004

Which of the following issues did the framers of the United States Constitution most directly address?

The strengthening of central government powers

As its preamble promised, the Constitution would 'ensure domestic tranquility' by allowing the federal government to field an army powerful enough to suppress rebellions like those that had flared up in Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and other states. Even more important, the Constitution would 'establish justice' by preventing the state assemblies from adopting relief measures that screened their citizens from either their Continental taxes or their private debts. . . . Excoriating [harshly criticizing] the legislatures for collecting too little money from taxpayers, the bondholders and their sympathizers noted with approval that the Constitution would take the business of collecting federal taxes away from the states and place it firmly in the hands of a powerful new national government."

Woody Holton, historian, "'From the Labours of Others': The War Bonds Controversy and the Origins of the Constitution in New England," William and Mary Quarterly, 2004

Which of the following most directly resulted from concerns over the increased power of the federal government in the late 1700s?

Rebellions over the right to tax goods, such as the Whiskey Rebellion

George] Washington's gratitude was genuine . . . but the fact remains that the members of the association, who had embarked on a very unfeminine enterprise, were ultimately deflected into a traditional domestic role.... Ironically and symbolically, the Philadelphia women of 1780, who had tried to establish an unprecedented nationwide female organization, ended up as what one amused historian has termed 'General Washington's Sewing Circle.'

"Male Revolutionary leaders too regarded women's efforts with wry condescension. . . . The women, on the other hand,... could reflect proudly that 'whilst our friends were exposed to the hardships and dangers of the fields of war for our protection, we were exerting at home our little labours to administer to their comfort and alleviate their toil.'"

Mary Beth Norton, historian, "The Philadelphia Ladies Association," American Heritage, 1980

During and immediately after the Revolutionary era, which of the following resulted most directly from the efforts of women such as those described in the excerpt?

The ideal that women would teach republican values

George] Washington's gratitude was genuine . . . but the fact remains that the members of the association, who had embarked on a very unfeminine enterprise, were ultimately deflected into a traditional domestic role.... Ironically and symbolically, the Philadelphia women of 1780, who had tried to establish an unprecedented nationwide female organization, ended up as what one amused historian has termed 'General Washington's Sewing Circle.'

"Male Revolutionary leaders too regarded women's efforts with wry condescension. . . . The women, on the other hand,... could reflect proudly that 'whilst our friends were exposed to the hardships and dangers of the fields of war for our protection, we were exerting at home our little labours to administer to their comfort and alleviate their toil.'"

Mary Beth Norton, historian, "The Philadelphia Ladies Association," American Heritage, 1980

The women described in the excerpt would have most typically engaged in which of the following activities during the Revolutionary era?

Producing goods for the Patriot cause

George] Washington's gratitude was genuine . . . but the fact remains that the members of the association, who had embarked on a very unfeminine enterprise, were ultimately deflected into a traditional domestic role.... Ironically and symbolically, the Philadelphia women of 1780, who had tried to establish an unprecedented nationwide female organization, ended up as what one amused historian has termed 'General Washington's Sewing Circle.'

"Male Revolutionary leaders too regarded women's efforts with wry condescension. . . . The women, on the other hand,... could reflect proudly that 'whilst our friends were exposed to the hardships and dangers of the fields of war for our protection, we were exerting at home our little labours to administer to their comfort and alleviate their toil.'"

Mary Beth Norton, historian, "The Philadelphia Ladies Association," American Heritage, 1980

Which of the following pieces of evidence could best be used to support the argument in the excerpt? (Mary Beth Norton)

Correspondence between husbands and wives involved in Revolutionary politics

I have heard it asserted by some, that as America hath flourished under her former connection with Great Britain, that the same connection is necessary towards her future happiness, and will always have the same effect. Nothing can be more fallacious [untrue] than this kind of argument. We may as well assert that because a child has thrived upon milk, that it is never to have meat, or that the first twenty years of our lives is to become a precedent for the next twenty. But even this is admitting more than is true, for I answer roundly, that America would have flourished as much, and probably much more, had no European power had any thing to do with her. . . .

"But Britain is the parent country, say some. Then the more shame upon her conduct. Even brutes do not devour their young, nor savages make war upon their families. . . . Europe, and not England, is the parent country of America. This new world hath been the asylum for the persecuted lovers of civil and religious liberty from every part of Europe. Hither have they fled, not from the tender embraces of the mother, but from the cruelty of the monster; and it is so far true of England, that the same tyranny which drove the first emigrants from home, pursues their descendants still."

Thomas Paine, Common Sense, 1776

Paine's argument best provides evidence for which of the following developments resulting from the American Revolution?

The emergence of a unique American national identity separate from that of Europe

I have heard it asserted by some, that as America hath flourished under her former connection with Great Britain, that the same connection is necessary towards her future happiness, and will always have the same effect. Nothing can be more fallacious [untrue] than this kind of argument. We may as well assert that because a child has thrived upon milk, that it is never to have meat, or that the first twenty years of our lives is to become a precedent for the next twenty. But even this is admitting more than is true, for I answer roundly, that America would have flourished as much, and probably much more, had no European power had any thing to do with her. . . .

"But Britain is the parent country, say some. Then the more shame upon her conduct. Even brutes do not devour their young, nor savages make war upon their families. . . . Europe, and not England, is the parent country of America. This new world hath been the asylum for the persecuted lovers of civil and religious liberty from every part of Europe. Hither have they fled, not from the tender embraces of the mother, but from the cruelty of the monster; and it is so far true of England, that the same tyranny which drove the first emigrants from home, pursues their descendants still."

Thomas Paine, Common Sense, 1776

The ideas expressed in the excerpt best reflect which of the following historical processes?

The transmission of Enlightenment ideals across the Atlantic

I have heard it asserted by some, that as America hath flourished under her former connection with Great Britain, that the same connection is necessary towards her future happiness, and will always have the same effect. Nothing can be more fallacious [untrue] than this kind of argument. We may as well assert that because a child has thrived upon milk, that it is never to have meat, or that the first twenty years of our lives is to become a precedent for the next twenty. But even this is admitting more than is true, for I answer roundly, that America would have flourished as much, and probably much more, had no European power had any thing to do with her. . . .

"But Britain is the parent country, say some. Then the more shame upon her conduct. Even brutes do not devour their young, nor savages make war upon their families. . . . Europe, and not England, is the parent country of America. This new world hath been the asylum for the persecuted lovers of civil and religious liberty from every part of Europe. Hither have they fled, not from the tender embraces of the mother, but from the cruelty of the monster; and it is so far true of England, that the same tyranny which drove the first emigrants from home, pursues their descendants still."

Thomas Paine, Common Sense, 1776

Paine's argument "that the same tyranny which drove the first emigrants from home, pursues their descendants still" was most likely in reference to which of the following situations?

The belief among colonists that they had earned a right to greater liberty from Britain

I have heard it asserted by some, that as America hath flourished under her former connection with Great Britain, that the same connection is necessary towards her future happiness, and will always have the same effect. Nothing can be more fallacious [untrue] than this kind of argument. We may as well assert that because a child has thrived upon milk, that it is never to have meat, or that the first twenty years of our lives is to become a precedent for the next twenty. But even this is admitting more than is true, for I answer roundly, that America would have flourished as much, and probably much more, had no European power had any thing to do with her. . . .

"But Britain is the parent country, say some. Then the more shame upon her conduct. Even brutes do not devour their young, nor savages make war upon their families. . . . Europe, and not England, is the parent country of America. This new world hath been the asylum for the persecuted lovers of civil and religious liberty from every part of Europe. Hither have they fled, not from the tender embraces of the mother, but from the cruelty of the monster; and it is so far true of England, that the same tyranny which drove the first emigrants from home, pursues their descendants still."

Thomas Paine, Common Sense, 1776

Which of the following historical situations most directly shaped Paine's argument that Britain's policies were economically harming its colonies?

Continued enforcement of mercantilism

"The petition of a great number of blacks detained in a state of slavery in the bowels of a free and Christian country humbly showeth that...they have in common with all other men a natural and inalienable right to that freedom which the Great Parent of the Universe has bestowed equally on all mankind and which they have never forfeited by any compact or agreement whatever....

"[E]very principle from which America has acted in the course of their unhappy difficulties with Great Britain pleads stronger than a thousand arguments in favor of your petitioners. They therefore humbly beseech your honors to give this petition its due weight and consideration and cause an act of the legislature to be passed whereby they may be restored to the enjoyments of that which is the natural right of all men."

Petition for freedom to the Massachusetts Council and the House of Representatives for the State of Massachusetts, January 1777

Which of the following most likely helped to prompt the petition in the excerpt?

American colonists' declaration of independence from Britain

"The petition of a great number of blacks detained in a state of slavery in the bowels of a free and Christian country humbly showeth that...they have in common with all other men a natural and inalienable right to that freedom which the Great Parent of the Universe has bestowed equally on all mankind and which they have never forfeited by any compact or agreement whatever....

"[E]very principle from which America has acted in the course of their unhappy difficulties with Great Britain pleads stronger than a thousand arguments in favor of your petitioners. They therefore humbly beseech your honors to give this petition its due weight and consideration and cause an act of the legislature to be passed whereby they may be restored to the enjoyments of that which is the natural right of all men."

Petition for freedom to the Massachusetts Council and the House of Representatives for the State of Massachusetts, January 1777

Which of the following developments from the 1800s emerged from ideas most similar to those expressed in the excerpt? (Treaty of Friendships, etc.)

The ratification of the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution

"His Catholic Majesty [of Spain] and the United States of America desiring to consolidate on a permanent basis the Friendship and good correspondence which happily prevails between the two Parties, have determined to establish by a convention several points. . . .

"Article IV

"It is likewise agreed that the Western boundary of the United States which separates them from the Spanish Colony of Louisiana, is in the middle of the channel or bed of the River Mississippi . . . ; and his Catholic Majesty has likewise agreed that the navigation of the said River in its whole breadth from its source to the Ocean shall be free only to his Subjects, and the Citizens of the United States, unless he should extend this privilege to the Subjects of other Powers by special convention. . . .

"Article XXII

"The two high contracting Parties hoping that the good correspondence and friendship which happily reigns between them will be further increased by this Treaty, and that it will contribute to augment their prosperity and opulence, will in future give to their mutual commerce all the extension and favor which the advantage of both Countries may require; . . . his Catholic Majesty will permit the Citizens of the United States for the space of three years from this time to deposit their merchandise and effects in the Port of New Orleans."

Treaty of Friendship, Limits, and Navigation Between Spain and the United States, known as Pinckney's Treaty or the Treaty of San Lorenzo, 1795

Which of the following was a primary reason that the United States and Spain agreed to the articles outlined in the excerpt?

To minimize tensions caused by United States expansion into western territory

"His Catholic Majesty [of Spain] and the United States of America desiring to consolidate on a permanent basis the Friendship and good correspondence which happily prevails between the two Parties, have determined to establish by a convention several points. . . .

"Article IV

"It is likewise agreed that the Western boundary of the United States which separates them from the Spanish Colony of Louisiana, is in the middle of the channel or bed of the River Mississippi . . . ; and his Catholic Majesty has likewise agreed that the navigation of the said River in its whole breadth from its source to the Ocean shall be free only to his Subjects, and the Citizens of the United States, unless he should extend this privilege to the Subjects of other Powers by special convention. . . .

"Article XXII

"The two high contracting Parties hoping that the good correspondence and friendship which happily reigns between them will be further increased by this Treaty, and that it will contribute to augment their prosperity and opulence, will in future give to their mutual commerce all the extension and favor which the advantage of both Countries may require; . . . his Catholic Majesty will permit the Citizens of the United States for the space of three years from this time to deposit their merchandise and effects in the Port of New Orleans."

Treaty of Friendship, Limits, and Navigation Between Spain and the United States, known as Pinckney's Treaty or the Treaty of San Lorenzo, 1795

The agreements made in the excerpt best reflect which of the following concerns in the United States during this period?

How to support western settlers beyond the Appalachian Mountains

Graph

Which of the following describes a trend shown in the graph of the regional distribution of the slave trade before the American Revolution?

More enslaved Africans were brought to the Carolinas and Georgia than to Virginia and Maryland.

Graph

Which of the following best describes the trend in the number of enslaved Africans brought to the Carolinas and Georgia depicted in the graph?

It increased before the 1770s and then declined between 1771 and 1790.

Graph

Which of the following best describes an overall trend depicted in the graph for the time period between 1751 and 1800 ?

The number of enslaved Africans brought to the United States decreased.