Lecture 4: Sociological Perspectives on Discrimination and Disadvantage

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According to Small and Pager (2020), how does the sociological concept of institutional discrimination differ from the economic and psychological perspectives of discrimination (taste, statistical, and implicit bias)?

A. Institutional discrimination assumes that individuals make deliberate, rational choices to discriminate, whereas the economic and psychological perspectives focus on unconscious biases and societal norms.

B. Institutional discrimination focuses on how organizations or laws treat people of different races differently, regardless of the intentions or prejudices of the individuals within those organizations, whereas the other perspectives focus on the decision-making of individuals.

C. Institutional discrimination is primarily concerned with how historical laws, such as redlining, created wealth gaps, whereas the economic and psychological perspectives focus on contemporary labor market discrimination.

D. Institutional discrimination asserts that discrimination only occurs when there is an explicit, codified rule that mentions race, whereas the other perspectives argue that discrimination can occur through informal practices.
Institutional discrimination focuses on how organizations or laws treat people of different races differently, regardless of the intentions or prejudices of the individuals within those organizations, whereas the other perspectives focus on the decision-making of individuals
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How does the example of referral hiring networks illustrate institutional discrimination?

A. It demonstrates that managers who use referral networks are more likely to hold explicit prejudiced beliefs against minority groups.

B. It shows that even if an organization is composed of non-prejudiced actors, a race-neutral practice (hiring through employee referrals) can produce discriminatory outcomes if applied in a context with preexisting racial homogeneity.

C. It illustrates statistical discrimination because employers use the average traits of a group as a proxy for an individual's potential productivity.

D. It proves that implicit bias is the primary driver of hiring disparities, as employers unconsciously favor candidates who remind them of themselves.
It shows that even if an organization is composed of non-prejudiced actors, a race-neutral practice (hiring through employee referrals) can produce discriminatory outcomes if applied in a context with preexisting racial homogeneity
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When discussing historic discrimination via organizations (e.g., the HOLC and FHA), what specific institutional practice did the Home Owners' Loan Corporation (HOLC) create that formalized racial discrimination in real estate?

A. It created a formalized appraisal system that used color-coded maps, marking neighborhoods with a high proportion of African-Americans in red as the "riskiest" for loans.

B. It explicitly informed lenders that its insurance program opposed racial integration and refused to insure loans in white neighborhoods.

C. It created self-amortizing loans that extended over 20 years, which disproportionately excluded African-Americans from the housing market.

D. It required all lenders to record the race of the applicant on standard forms, leading to direct taste-based discrimination by loan officers.
It created a formalized appraisal system that used color-coded maps, marking neighborhoods with a high proportion of African-Americans in red as the "riskiest" for loans
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How do felon disenfranchisement laws illustrate historic discrimination via laws, according to Small and Pager?

A. These laws explicitly mention race in their text, showing the direct intent of legislators to disenfranchise African-Americans.

B. These laws were created before the Civil War to suppress the white vote but were later adapted to disproportionately affect African-Americans after the 14th Amendment.

C. These laws emerged after the Civil War as race-neutral laws that largely affect the same population, and research shows the probability of a first disenfranchisement law increased as the black prison population increased.

D. These laws are a form of statistical discrimination, as legislators use the average criminality of a group to justify restricting voting rights for all members of that group.
These laws emerged after the Civil War as race-neutral laws that largely affect the same population, and research shows the probability of a first disenfranchisement law increased as the black prison population increased
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Why is the study of perceived discrimination important, regardless of whether the discrimination actually occurred?

A. Because confirming whether discrimination actually happened is impossible, so we must rely on the victim's perception to measure its prevalence.

B. Because if discrimination actually happened but the victim did not perceive it, there may be little or no consequence for mental health and related outcomes; the perception itself has its own dynamics and effects.

C. Because perceived discrimination always accurately reflects actual discrimination, making it a reliable metric for legal cases.

D. Because perceived discrimination only matters for social interactions, whereas actual discrimination is the only valid measure for economic outcomes.
Because if discrimination actually happened but the victim did not perceive it, there may be little or no consequence for mental health and related outcomes; the perception itself has its own dynamics and effects
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In the context of intersectionality, what does the concept of 'intersectional multiplicativity' (or synergistic disadvantage) imply?

A. That axes of inequality, such as sexism and racism, interact to create unique social positions which cannot be explained as a simple sum of their parts (i.e., 1 + 1 > 2).

B. That all social positions exist together, and that some axes of inequality should be ranked as more important than others.

C. That individuals with multiple marginalized social positions experience the exact same type of discrimination as those with a single marginalized position.

D. That the disadvantages experienced by individuals are purely additive, meaning the effects of race and gender can be measured independently.
That axes of inequality, such as sexism and racism, interact to create unique social positions which cannot be explained as a simple sum of their parts (i.e., 1 + 1 > 2)
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According to McCall's (2005) framework on the complexity of intersectionality, how does 'intercategorical complexity' differ from 'anticategorical complexity'?

A. Intercategorical complexity deconstructs analytical categories because they have no foundation in reality, whereas anticategorical complexity uses categories provisionally as anchor points to compare groups.

B. Intercategorical complexity focuses on qualitative, in-depth case studies of a single neglected group, whereas anticategorical complexity focuses on quantitative comparisons across multiple groups.

C. Intercategorical complexity provisionally adopts existing analytical categories to document relationships of inequality among social groups, whereas anticategorical complexity rejects categories as reductionist and deconstructs them.

D. Intercategorical complexity argues that all categories should be completely abolished to achieve equality, whereas anticategorical complexity argues that categories should be kept intact but studied separately.
Intercategorical complexity provisionally adopts existing analytical categories to document relationships of inequality among social groups, whereas anticategorical complexity rejects categories as reductionist and deconstructs them
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If a researcher studies undocumented female domestic workers in The Hague through months of in-depth interviews to explore their daily lived experiences at the intersection of being a migrant, female, and working in the informal economy, which of McCall's approaches does this represent?

A. Anticategorical complexity.

B. Intracategorical complexity.

C. Intercategorical complexity.

D. Intersectional invisibility.
Intracategorical complexity
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What does McCall's perspective of 'critical realism' entail in the context of intersectionality research?

A. It assumes that all interpretations of social reality are equally valid because knowledge is entirely subjective and constructed.

B. It assumes that the social world is simple and can be explained through straightforward linear models.

C. It assumes that a real social world exists, but our knowledge of it is always partial and shaped by human interpretation, while still rejecting the idea that all interpretations are equally valid.

D. It assumes that quantitative methods are inherently positivist and cannot be used to study intersectionality.
It assumes that a real social world exists, but our knowledge of it is always partial and shaped by human interpretation, while still rejecting the idea that all interpretations are equally valid
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In the Guan et al. (2021) study on intersectionality in health research, what did the example of referrals for cardiac catheterization demonstrate?

A. That black men and white women were the most disadvantaged groups, showing that single-axis analysis is sufficient to understand inequality.

B. That black women were the only group with a significantly lower referral rate, revealing a disadvantage specific to the intersection of race and gender that was not visible when looking at either axis alone.

C. That white men were the most disadvantaged group due to the additive effects of race and gender.

D. That the referral rate was entirely determined by social class, proving that race and gender are irrelevant in health outcomes.
That black women were the only group with a significantly lower referral rate, revealing a disadvantage specific to the intersection of race and gender that was not visible when looking at either axis alone
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According to the lecture slides on the legal prohibition of discrimination (e.g., Article 21 of the EU Charter and Article 1 of the Dutch Constitution), what is notably absent from the explicit grounds of discrimination listed in these texts?

A. Race and ethnic origin.

B. Religion and belief.

C. Social class.

D. Sexual orientation.
Social class
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According to the United Nations Human Rights Committee (General Comment 18), when does a differentiation of treatment *not* constitute discrimination?

A. When the criteria for such differentiation are reasonable and objective and the aim is to achieve a purpose which is legitimate under the Covenant (e.g., public safety, affirmative action).

B. When the differentiation is based on statistical evidence about a group's average risk, regardless of objective individual circumstances.

C. When the differentiation is unintentional and outside of the discriminator's awareness.

D. When the differentiation is explicitly stated in the national constitution, regardless of its fairness.
When the criteria for such differentiation are reasonable and objective and the aim is to achieve a purpose which is legitimate under the Covenant (e.g., public safety, affirmative action)
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What is the 'Matthew effect' in criminal law, as discussed in the guest lecture on social selectivity in the criminal justice system?

A. Defendants with the lowest socioeconomic status are more likely to be assigned a public defender, which leads to harsher sentences.

B. Defendants with the best starting position or most resources have more opportunities for special prevention (e.g., alternative sanctions), meaning a missed benefit is harder to demonstrate than a concrete detriment for those in a weaker position.

C. The more crimes a person commits, the higher the probability they will be caught and sentenced, leading to a cumulative disadvantage.

D. Migrants are disproportionately more likely to be registered by the police but less likely to be prosecuted, resulting in a funneling effect.
Defendants with the best starting position or most resources have more opportunities for special prevention (e.g., alternative sanctions), meaning a missed benefit is harder to demonstrate than a concrete detriment for those in a weaker position
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According to the guest lecture on the criminal justice system, what is the difference between indirect and direct selectivity?

A. Indirect selectivity refers to the suspect's background characteristics (like education and income) influencing the outcome, whereas direct selectivity refers to the unexplained portion of the difference, possibly based on having a migration background itself.

B. Direct selectivity refers to deliberate discrimination by judges, whereas indirect selectivity refers to unintentional bias by police officers.

C. Indirect selectivity refers to the type of crime committed, whereas direct selectivity refers to the number of prior offenses.

D. Direct selectivity refers to differences that can be explained by law, whereas indirect selectivity refers to differences that are entirely illegal.
Indirect selectivity refers to the suspect's background characteristics (like education and income) influencing the outcome, whereas direct selectivity refers to the unexplained portion of the difference, possibly based on having a migration background itself
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How does the elective affinity between racial discrimination and cumulative disadvantage work, as illustrated by the Dubois quote ("The negro is the sort of a person made a criminal almost from necessity and further despised for it")?

A. Discrimination only occurs as a one-time event, and cumulative disadvantage is an unrelated concept that only applies to economic outcomes.

B. Discrimination leads to cumulative disadvantage over time (e.g., in education, housing), which then reinforces and amplifies further discrimination, creating a feedback loop.

C. Cumulative disadvantage is a psychological state where individuals perceive discrimination even when it does not occur, leading to a self-fulfilling prophecy.

D. Racial discrimination is entirely a thing of the past, but its effects are still seen today in the form of cumulative disadvantage, which is a separate and non-interacting process.
Discrimination leads to cumulative disadvantage over time (e.g., in education, housing), which then reinforces and amplifies further discrimination, creating a feedback loop
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In the interactive presentation case study, Fatima's application is automatically rejected by an IT consultancy's algorithm because it was trained on historical hiring data (predominantly white male engineers) and flags her postal code as 'high turnover risk'. What kind(s) of discrimination does this primarily illustrate?

A. Taste-based discrimination and implicit bias.

B. Institutional discrimination and statistical discrimination (indirect discrimination).

C. Implicit discrimination and direct discrimination.

D. Individual-level prejudice and affirmative action.
Institutional discrimination and statistical discrimination (indirect discrimination)
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In the second job application case from the interactive presentation, a hiring manager looks with unease at Fatima's hijab and tells a colleague it is a mismatch with the office culture. He then selects a white Dutch male candidate with identical qualifications, reasoning that he is a better "natural culture fit" and noting that young candidates from Fatima's area have higher turnover rates. Which combination of discrimination types best describes the manager's reasoning?

A. Institutional discrimination (due to company culture) and implicit bias (unconscious aversion).

B. Taste-based discrimination (willingness to avoid contact with her group) and statistical discrimination (using group averages about turnover as a proxy).

C. Direct discrimination only, as the manager explicitly stated his reasons aloud.

D. Structural discrimination (based on postal code) and anticategorical complexity.
Taste-based discrimination (willingness to avoid contact with her group) and statistical discrimination (using group averages about turnover as a proxy)
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According to Leerkes' model of Nativeness and personal vs. parental origin (as opposed to the Dutch 'allochtoon' categorization until 2016), how is a '1st generation native-born' person defined?

A. A person who is foreign-born, regardless of where their parents were born.

B. A person who is born in the host country, but both parents are foreign-born.

C. A person who is born in the host country, but one or both parents are foreign-born, making them part of the migration background.

D. A person who is born in the host country, with both parents born in the host country, but whose grandparents were born abroad.
A person who is born in the host country, but one or both parents are foreign-born, making them part of the migration background
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How do the qualitative findings from the guest lecture explain selectivity due to the interpretation of 'process attitude'?

A. Decision-makers must decide under time pressure and use risk assessment tools to formalize statistical discrimination.

B. A 'cooperative' attitude during proceedings is viewed positively, but professionals can mainly assess whether the suspect meets the system's expectations, meaning eloquence and communication style can become part of the assessment, disadvantaging those with less trust in authorities.

C. Decision-makers explicitly penalize suspects who do not speak Dutch well, which is a direct form of taste-based discrimination.

D. The process attitude is a fixed psychological trait that cannot be influenced by the suspect's socialization or cultural background.
A 'cooperative' attitude during proceedings is viewed positively, but professionals can mainly assess whether the suspect meets the system's expectations, meaning eloquence and communication style can become part of the assessment, disadvantaging those with less trust in authorities
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Norbert Elias's concept of 'established and outsiders' is mentioned in the lecture. What does this concept explain about social cohesion and integration?

A. That socially established 'insiders' seek to resolve status anxiety and preserve in-group social cohesion by excluding 'outsiders'.

B. That outsiders are always successfully integrated into the host society because they adopt the cultural norms of the established group.

C. That social cohesion is solely determined by economic factors, and the distinction between insiders and outsiders is irrelevant.

D. That established groups are always open to newcomers and actively seek to include them in their social networks.
That socially established 'insiders' seek to resolve status anxiety and preserve in-group social cohesion by excluding 'outsiders'
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According to the lecture notes on Guan et al.'s investigation of intersectionality, which concept describes the idea that all social positions exist together and that axes of inequality should not be ranked (i.e., giving more importance to one axis over another)?

A. Intersectional multiplicativity.

B. Multiple jeopardy.

C. Intersectional invisibility.

D. Simultaneity.
Simultaneity
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According to the lecture slides on Guan et al., what does the concept of 'intersectional invisibility' hypothesize?

A. That individuals with multiple marginalized identities are always more visible in society than those with a single marginalized identity.

B. That social oppression experienced by easily recognized 'prototypical' members of marginal groups differs from less visible 'marginal' members.

C. That axes of inequality interact to create unique social positions that cannot be explained by a simple sum of their parts.

D. That the effects of discrimination are invisible to researchers unless large quantitative datasets are used.
That social oppression experienced by easily recognized 'prototypical' members of marginal groups differs from less visible 'marginal' members
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In the lecture slides (slide 14), Guan et al. present a graph showing different ways intersecting disadvantages can interact. What does the 'Antagonistic' interaction imply?

A. That having two marginalized identities creates a cumulative disadvantage that is exactly equal to the sum of the two individual disadvantages.

B. That having two marginalized identities creates a disadvantage that is significantly larger than the sum of the parts (synergistic).

C. That the presence of one marginalized identity might actually reduce the disadvantage associated with another marginalized identity in a specific context.

D. That the disadvantages are completely unrelated and do not interact at all.
That the presence of one marginalized identity might actually reduce the disadvantage associated with another marginalized identity in a specific context
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In McCall's (2005) discussion on why the categorical (intercategorical) approach is not the primary methodology in women's studies, she identifies three reasons. Which of the following is one of those reasons?

A. Because rising economic inequality became prominent only in the early 1990s, creating a disconnect because women's studies had already been established as a discipline.

B. Because quantitative datasets from the government are specifically designed to test feminist theory, making them unreliable for intersectional research.

C. Because feminist scholars unanimously agree that quantitative methods are the only valid way to study inequality, rejecting qualitative methods entirely.

D. Because feminist theories are considered universal theories that can explain all aspects of social life, making the categorical approach redundant.
Because rising economic inequality became prominent only in the early 1990s, creating a disconnect because women's studies had already been established as a discipline
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According to the lecture slides on the Dutch classroom example, what does the study on giftedness recognition illustrate about cumulative disadvantage and discrimination?

A. That teachers are equally likely to recognize giftedness regardless of the student's name or background.

B. That giftedness was recognized four times better with Diederick (a Dutch boy name) than with Jalila (a non-Dutch girl name).

C. That non-Dutch girls are more likely to be recognized as gifted because of affirmative action policies.

D. That the recognition of giftedness is solely based on objective test scores, not on implicit biases.
That giftedness was recognized four times better with Diederick (a Dutch boy name) than with Jalila (a non-Dutch girl name)
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Based on the Leerkes & Dagevos (2016) graph in the lecture slides, what does the data on self-categorization as 'allochtoon' show about the difference between the first generation (born abroad) and the second generation (born in the Netherlands)?

A. The second generation is more likely to self-categorize as 'allochtoon' than the first generation.

B. Both the first and second generation self-categorize as 'allochtoon' at exactly the same rate.

C. The first generation is generally more likely to self-categorize as 'allochtoon' than the second generation, but the second generation still self-categorizes at a substantial rate (e.g., around 40-50% for Moroccans and Turks).

D. The second generation completely rejects the 'allochtoon' label and refuses to self-categorize as such.
The first generation is generally more likely to self-categorize as 'allochtoon' than the second generation, but the second generation still self-categorizes at a substantial rate (e.g., around 40-50% for Moroccans and Turks)
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In the interactive presentation (Mentimeter activity), a researcher uses large-scale data from Statistics Netherlands (CBS) to examine wage inequalities across Leiden, Den Haag, and Rotterdam, comparing the average incomes of multiple intersecting groups (e.g., university-educated Dutch women, MBO-educated Moroccan-Dutch men). Which of McCall's approaches does this represent?

A. Anticategorical approach.

B. Intracategorical approach.

C. Intercategorical approach.

D. Additive approach.
Intercategorical approach
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In the guest lecture by Petra de Jong, she explains the methodology of the cumulative overrepresentation study. What was the purpose of the 'Full model' in their regression analyses?

A. To establish the initial differences by controlling only for origin, reference year, age, and gender.

B. To estimate whether the differences could be connected to the type of offence committed.

C. To adjust for the number of offences, antecedents, and background characteristics (such as education and household income).

D. To prove that all differences in sentencing are the result of direct discrimination by judges.
To adjust for the number of offences, antecedents, and background characteristics (such as education and household income)
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In the guest lecture, what does the term 'direct selectivity' refer to in the context of the criminal justice system?

A. The part of the difference in outcomes that can be explained by the suspect's background characteristics, such as education level and household income.

B. The part of the difference in outcomes that can be explained by the number or type of registered crimes.

C. The part of the difference that remains unexplained after controlling for background characteristics and crime type, which may be related to having a migration background but does not necessarily mean it is the outcome of discrimination.

D. The explicit and intentional bias demonstrated by judges during court proceedings.
The part of the difference that remains unexplained after controlling for background characteristics and crime type, which may be related to having a migration background but does not necessarily mean it is the outcome of discrimination
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According to the guest lecture's qualitative findings, how do 'mental shortcuts' contribute to selectivity in the criminal justice system?

A. Decision-makers have unlimited time and resources, so they carefully analyze every detail of a suspect's background before making a decision.

B. Decision-makers must decide under time pressure and based on limited information, which increases the likelihood that personal and contextual characteristics serve as risk indicators.

C. Mental shortcuts are a formalized process in which judges use risk assessment tools to objectively measure a suspect's likelihood of reoffending.

D. Mental shortcuts are only used by police officers during initial registration, not by judges or prosecutors.
Decision-makers must decide under time pressure and based on limited information, which increases the likelihood that personal and contextual characteristics serve as risk indicators
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In the guest lecture, what is one of the 'Courses of Action' proposed to combat systemic inequality in the criminal justice system?

A. Relying exclusively on individual bias training for judges and prosecutors to change their personal prejudices.

B. Revising decision-making and accountability frameworks to enhance transparency and consistency in weighing procedural attitude and offender characteristics.

C. Abolishing all risk assessment tools and algorithms, returning to purely subjective judgments by judges.

D. Removing the socioeconomic background of suspects from all criminal justice records to ensure blind sentencing.
Revising decision-making and accountability frameworks to enhance transparency and consistency in weighing procedural attitude and offender characteristics
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According to Small and Pager (2020), how did formal layoff rules based on tenure or position affect managerial diversity compared to rules based on individual performance evaluations?

A. Layoffs based on tenure or position reduced managerial diversity more than layoffs based on individual performance evaluations, because racial minorities were historically less likely to hold the more important, long-tenured positions.

B. Layoffs based on individual performance evaluations reduced managerial diversity more than layoffs based on tenure or position, because evaluations are more likely to be influenced by implicit bias.

C. Both methods of layoffs resulted in the exact same level of decline in managerial diversity, proving that the formal rule itself does not matter, only the manager's prejudice.

D. Layoffs based on tenure or position increased managerial diversity, because racial minorities tended to have longer tenures due to affirmative action policies.
Layoffs based on tenure or position reduced managerial diversity more than layoffs based on individual performance evaluations, because racial minorities were historically less likely to hold the more important, long-tenured positions
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What specific detail about the FHA's Underwriting Manual is provided by Small and Pager to illustrate how the government institutionalized racial segregation in housing?

A. It required all loan applicants to provide a photograph to verify their race before the loan could be approved.

B. It stated that "properties shall continue to be occupied by the same social and racial classes" and openly recommended "enforced zoning, subdivision regulations, and suitable restrictive covenants."

C. It explicitly stated that African-Americans could only receive loans if they were purchasing homes in neighborhoods marked "A" or "B" on the HOLC maps.

D. It mandated that 50% of all FHA-insured loans in a given year must go to minority applicants to prevent redlining.
It stated that "properties shall continue to be occupied by the same social and racial classes" and openly recommended "enforced zoning, subdivision regulations, and suitable restrictive covenants."
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According to the study by Behrens, Uggen, and Manza (2003) cited by Small and Pager, what did they find regarding the relationship between the black prison population and the passage of felon disenfranchisement laws?

A. Each 1% increase in the percentage of prisoners who are nonwhite increased the odds by about 10% that a state would pass its first felon disenfranchisement law.

B. A 50% increase in the black prison population decreased the odds of passing a disenfranchisement law by 10%, as politicians feared backlash.

C. The racial composition of the prison population had no statistical effect on the passage of disenfranchisement laws, as these laws were purely motivated by economic concerns.

D. States with a higher percentage of black prisoners were actually more likely to reinstate voting rights for ex-felons, in an attempt to appear racially progressive.
Each 1% increase in the percentage of prisoners who are nonwhite increased the odds by about 10% that a state would pass its first felon disenfranchisement law
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In McCall's (2005) discussion on why the intercategorical approach is not the primary methodology in women's studies, she mentions the negative association of quantitative methods with positivism. What is her argument regarding this?

A. She argues that quantitative methods are inherently positivist and therefore should be completely rejected by feminist researchers in favor of qualitative narratives.

B. She argues that particular methods should not automatically be equated with particular philosophies of science; using quantitative methods does not necessarily require a positivist position, and methods should be selected according to the social question being studied.

C. She argues that positivism is the only valid philosophy of science for studying structural inequality, and feminist scholars should abandon postmodernism entirely.

D. She argues that quantitative methods are too simple to capture intersectionality, so feminist researchers should only use deconstruction and genealogy.
She argues that particular methods should not automatically be equated with particular philosophies of science; using quantitative methods does not necessarily require a positivist position, and methods should be selected according to the social question being studied
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How does McCall define 'critical realism' in the context of intersectionality research?

A. A philosophy that assumes the social world is entirely constructed through language, meaning all interpretations of inequality are equally valid.

B. A philosophy that assumes a real social world exists, but our knowledge of it is always partial and shaped by human interpretation; however, it rejects the idea that all interpretations are equally valid because reality places limits on what can plausibly be claimed.

C. A philosophy that argues social reality is too chaotic and complex to be described by any pattern or theory, making statistical analysis impossible.

D. A philosophy that asserts objective, value-free observation is the only way to understand the natural and social worlds, similar to positivism.
A philosophy that assumes a real social world exists, but our knowledge of it is always partial and shaped by human interpretation; however, it rejects the idea that all interpretations are equally valid because reality places limits on what can plausibly be claimed
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According to Guan et al. (2021), why do measures of statistical interaction on the additive scale (e.g., RERI) better align with the tenet of intersectional multiplicativity compared to measures on the multiplicative scale?

A. Because additive scales are mathematically easier to calculate and require smaller sample sizes than multiplicative scales.

B. Because measures on the additive scale may be interpreted as excess cases caused or prevented by the exposure(s), which directly translates to the public health relevance of quantifying excess cases at intersecting positions.

C. Because multiplicative scales are entirely unable to account for confounding variables in intersectionality research.

D. Because additive scales only require the researcher to look at one axis of inequality at a time, which is the definition of intersectionality.
Because measures on the additive scale may be interpreted as excess cases caused or prevented by the exposure(s), which directly translates to the public health relevance of quantifying excess cases at intersecting positions
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In the systematic review by Guan et al. (2021), which quantitative analytic method was identified as the most commonly employed by studies using an intersectionality framework?

A. Data reduction methods (e.g., latent class analysis).

B. Distributions by subgroups.

C. Regression with an interaction term.

D. Three-way causal mediation decomposition.
Regression with an interaction term
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According to the guest lecture by Petra de Jong, how does the overrepresentation of suspects with a migration background change as they progress through the criminal justice system?

A. The gap between suspects with a migration background and Dutch background remains constant from police registration to detention.

B. The overrepresentation decreases as they move from police registration to detention, as the legal system corrects for initial police biases.

C. The overrepresentation increases (e.g., from 45% at police registration to 55% at detention for adults), meaning people with a migration background are increasingly overrepresented as they progress through the system.

D. People with a migration background are overrepresented at the police registration stage but are completely dropped out of the system before reaching the public prosecutor.
The overrepresentation increases (e.g., from 45% at police registration to 55% at detention for adults), meaning people with a migration background are increasingly overrepresented as they progress through the system
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In the interactive presentation, when discussing the case of Fatima and the automated candidate screening algorithm, what kind of discrimination does the algorithm's use of historical hiring data and postal codes primarily illustrate?

A. Taste-based discrimination and implicit bias.

B. Institutional discrimination and statistical discrimination.

C. Anticategorical complexity.

D. Individual-level prejudice by the manager.
Institutional discrimination and statistical discrimination
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A researcher studies Dutch media discourse and policy documents to deconstruct labels like 'expat' versus 'arbeidsmigrant' and argues that these categories are socially constructed, fictional boundaries created by state power. Wich of McCall's approaches are they using?

A. Intracategorical approach.

B. Intercategorical approach.

C. Anticategorical approach.

D. Intersectional invisibility.

Anticategorical approach

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According to Small and Pager (2020), what is the difference between a 'norm' and a 'cognition' within an organization?

A. A norm is a formal or informal expectation of behavior that people feel compelled to follow, whereas a cognition is a way of understanding one's predicament in the organization.

B. A norm is a way of understanding one's predicament, whereas a cognition is a formal rule that mandates specific behavior.

C. A norm is an unconscious bias, whereas a cognition is a deliberate, rational calculation made by a manager.

D. A norm is codified into law, whereas a cognition is solely related to an individual's personal prejudice.
A norm is a formal or informal expectation of behavior that people feel compelled to follow, whereas a cognition is a way of understanding one's predicament in the organization
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In the Detroit Area Survey by Williams et al. (1997) cited by Small and Pager, what was found regarding the relationship between different types of discrimination and health outcomes?

A. Major experiences of discrimination were strongly associated with all four health measures, while everyday discrimination was not.

B. Both major experiences and everyday discrimination were equally unrelated to health outcomes.

C. The measure of everyday discrimination was significantly associated with all four health outcomes, and it fully accounted for the difference between blacks and others in all measures except psychological distress.

D. Only major experiences of discrimination affected mental health, while everyday discrimination only affected physical health outcomes like high blood pressure.
The measure of everyday discrimination was significantly associated with all four health outcomes, and it fully accounted for the difference between blacks and others in all measures except psychological distress
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In McCall's (2005) study on wage inequality across four US cities, what did the comparison between Dallas and Detroit reveal about the complexity of gender inequality?

A. Gender inequality was higher among the college educated and lower among the non-college educated in Dallas, and vice versa in Detroit, indicating that the same economic environment creates advantage for some women and disadvantage for others.

B. Gender inequality was identical in both cities across all education levels, proving that local economic context does not matter.

C. Gender inequality was higher in Detroit among the college educated, but there was no measurable gender inequality in Dallas.

D. Gender inequality was completely explained by racial inequality in both cities, showing that class and education are irrelevant.
Gender inequality was higher among the college educated and lower among the non-college educated in Dallas, and vice versa in Detroit, indicating that the same economic environment creates advantage for some women and disadvantage for others
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When examining the legal prohibition of discrimination, such as Article 21 of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights and Article 1 of the Dutch Constitution, what notable ground is explicitly mentioned in the lecture notes as being omitted from the lists?

A. Race.

B. Social class.

C. Religion or belief.

D. Sexual orientation.
Social class
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In the guest lecture by Petra de Jong, how do 'mental shortcuts' relate to the risk of statistical discrimination in the criminal justice system?

A. Decision-makers under time pressure use personal characteristics as risk indicators, and these assumptions can become formalized and institutionalized by risk assessment tools.

B. Mental shortcuts completely eliminate statistical discrimination because decision-makers rely on objective, algorithmic tools rather than their own judgment.

C. Mental shortcuts are a form of taste-based discrimination where judges intentionally punish certain groups to reduce contact with them.

D. Mental shortcuts only apply to police officers during the initial registration phase and do not affect the decisions of judges or prosecutors.
Decision-makers under time pressure use personal characteristics as risk indicators, and these assumptions can become formalized and institutionalized by risk assessment tools
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Why do Small and Pager caution against using measures of perceived discrimination to infer whether perpetrated discrimination has actually risen or declined?

A. Because surveys on perceived discrimination are often fabricated by researchers to support a political agenda.

B. Because people sometimes perceive discrimination when it did not happen, and many victims cannot know they experienced it (e.g., a minority home seeker cannot know what a realtor would have shown them had they been white).

C. Because perceived discrimination is a perfectly accurate reflection of actual discrimination, making it redundant to study both.

D. Because only major experiences of discrimination can be accurately perceived, while everyday discrimination cannot.
Because people sometimes perceive discrimination when it did not happen, and many victims cannot know they experienced it (e.g., a minority home seeker cannot know what a realtor would have shown them had they been white)
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In McCall's framework, what is the primary philosophical consequence of the anticategorical approach?

A. That categories are essential and natural groupings that must be maintained to measure inequality.

B. That language creates categorical reality rather than reflecting an underlying objective reality, rendering the use of categories suspect because they inevitably lead to demarcation, exclusion, and inequality.

C. That quantitative data is the only valid way to measure the complexity of social relations.

D. That categories must be provisionally adopted to systematically compare social groups across time and context.
That language creates categorical reality rather than reflecting an underlying objective reality, rendering the use of categories suspect because they inevitably lead to demarcation, exclusion, and inequality
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According to the interactive presentation, what is the precise definition of institutional discrimination?

A. Differential treatment by race perpetrated by organizations or codified by law.

B. An unconscious bias held by an individual that is outside of their awareness.

C. A rational calculation by employers to maximize profit by hiring the most productive candidate.

D. A personal prejudice that is openly expressed by a manager during a hiring process.
Differential treatment by race perpetrated by organizations or codified by law
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According to the lecture slides, what is Kimberlé Crenshaw's (1989) definition of intersectionality?

A. A framework for understanding how interlocking systems of power manifest to uniquely and differentially shape the lived experiences of intersectional social positions.

B. The process of adding up different forms of disadvantage to calculate a person's total level of inequality.

C. A statistical method used to control for race and gender separately in regression analyses.

D. The idea that all individuals experience the exact same forms of oppression regardless of their specific social locations.
A framework for understanding how interlocking systems of power manifest to uniquely and differentially shape the lived experiences of intersectional social positions