LECTURE 1 - Sex gender sexual orientation sterotypes

MILLER (2018)

30% of top 100 movies in 2017 were female led.

MILLER (2018)

• box office

• men were given significantly higher budgetary allotments than female directors. But a test determined that men and women return similar amounts at the box office even when controlling for outliers. So despite women recieiving lower budgets for their films, they return similar amounts to men

MILLER (2018)

• evaluation

Provides evidence that gender inequality in media extends beyond how women are represented on screen to the opportunities and resources available behind the scenes. The comparable ROI findings challenge the assumption that giving female directors smaller budgets is necessarily justified by weaker financial performance.

Motion Picture Association of America (2016

females make up a higher portion of theatre portion. Although the difference between the numbers of male and female moviegoers is quite small, the representation of on-screen leads ideally should be closer to 50/50 to reflect the actual population demographics of the United States and audiences. 

COLLINS (2011)

• commentary regarding quantative content analysis of gender roles in media published in the two special issues of sex roles

• found that women are:

• sexualised

• in subordiante positions

• traditionally feminine roles

HEATHER AND MURPHY (2010)

• women are less likely than men to appear in health storylines from popular fictional programming

• less than 40% of characters playing significant roles in health storylines were women across the categories of sick person, caregiver, and bystander

• the stories in which women and men appeared were of equal prominence, equally serious in tone, equally educational, and equally likely to contain information about factors such as diagnosis, treatment and prevention - but women appeared less often

• For viewers who learn about health problems through entertainment television (a not insignificant portion of the population) (Brodie et al. 1999), the less frequent presence of female characters undergoing serious medical problems may mean women know less about the health problems that may affect them and how to detect and address them. T

KANG AND HUST (2022)

• 2/3rds of characters aimed at babies and children are male

How were female characters typically portrayed in Kang and Hust (2022)?

As affectionate, caring and concerned with physical appearance.

Why does Kang and Hust's (2022) Hulu-only sample limit generalisability?

Programmes on Hulu may not represent children's television across other platforms, reducing external validity.

How can Kang and Hust (2022) be used to explain gender socialisation through media?

The gender-stereotypical portrayals are consistent with social learning theory (Bandura, 1977), suggesting children may learn gendered behaviours through observing media models. However, the study cannot establish that exposure causes children to adopt these behaviours.

SHAWCROFT ET AL., 2022

• 61% of disney characters male, 39% female

BELL ET AL., 1995

• teenage heroines are frequently seen in snow white, cinderella, princess aurora, ariel, and belle

• women are frequently depicted in a somatic triad of body shapes and aging pictures

• a middle-aged beauty at the height of her sexuality and power represents female wickedness.

• Pear-shaped, elderly women who have passed menoapuse are attracted by feminine sacrifice and care

FOUGHT AND EISENHAUR (2015)

• In the disney films, female characters speak on average 20% fewer words than male characters and there are approximately nine fewer female than male characters with speaking roles per film

What did England et al. (2011) investigate?

Gender-role portrayals in Disney Princess films, examining masculine and feminine characteristics across early, middle and later films.

What was the main finding of England et al. (2011)?

Princesses displayed more feminine than masculine characteristics across all three film periods, although masculine characteristics became increasingly common in later films.

How were princesses portrayed in early Disney films (England et al., 2011)?

They were frequently affectionate, helpful, fearful, tentative and concerned with appearance, reinforcing traditional feminine stereotypes.

What did England et al. (2011) find about princesses' assertiveness?

Early princesses were sometimes assertive, but mainly towards animals, children or those with less power, rather than adult authority figures or princes. This suggests constrained female agency.

How did portrayals of domestic work change across Disney Princess films?

Early films such as Snow White portrayed domestic labour as feminine and linked it to caregiving and love. This became less prominent in middle-period films but reappeared in The Princess and the Frog.

How can England et al. (2011) be linked to social learning theory?

Disney characters may act as gender-role models whose behaviours children observe and potentially imitate. Repeated stereotypical portrayals may contribute to gender-role learning, although the study did not test audience effects

What are two methodological limitations of England et al. (2011)?

The study analysed only Disney Princess films and primarily princess/prince characters, limiting generalisability. Complex or ambiguous behaviours were excluded from coding, potentially oversimplifying gender portrayals.

ENGLAND ET AL (2011)

• evaluation

• Coding Complexity: Many actions or mixed behaviors that required undue interpretation by the researchers were discarded in an effort to adhere to clear coding definitions, leaving more complex gendered behaviors unexamined.

• Scope of Analysis: The study only examined the Disney Princess movie line and only included analysis of the prince and princess characters, excluding gendered attributes of any other characters.

• Potential for Bias: One of the researchers who coded also interpreted the results, leaving room for potential bias.

• Missing Subtleties: The analysis could not incorporate subtleties like animation techniques, including lighting, music, and color, that may have enhanced the gender message.

• Interpretation by Children: The study does not address questions about the interpretation of the content by the child viewer, only illustrating the gendered content available.

Why can't England et al. (2011) establish that Disney films influence children's gender beliefs?

It was a content analysis of media representations, not a study of children's responses. It therefore cannot demonstrate how children interpret portrayals or whether exposure causes gender-stereotypical attitudes.

HINE, IVANOIC AND ENGLAND., 2018

• Viewing a newer disney movie did not change their perception of 'princesses' more broadly

What did Clark et al. (2024) investigate?

Gender-role portrayals across 39 Disney films, including non-princess films, using an expanded coding scheme for masculine, feminine and gender-neutral behaviours.

What were the main findings of Clark et al. (2024)?

Both male and female protagonists displayed more feminine than masculine traits overall. However, male protagonists showed significantly more masculine traits than female protagonists, and female protagonists remained predominantly feminine.

How have Disney's female protagonists changed over time, according to Clark et al. (2024)?

Early female protagonists were highly feminine; middle-era protagonists became less feminine and more masculine. Modern female protagonists continued to show more feminine than masculine traits overall, but some displayed more balanced or androgynous characteristics.

What did Clark et al. (2024) find about male protagonists across Disney eras?

Male protagonists in the middle and modern eras displayed significantly more feminine than masculine traits, challenging the expectation that male characters are consistently portrayed as traditionally masculine.

What are two methodological limitations of Clark et al. (2024)?

The sample included only films grossing over $200 million worldwide, potentially excluding less commercially successful films and not accounting for streaming popularity. The coding scheme also did not assess whether stereotypical behaviours were presented positively or negatively.

Why can't Clark et al. (2024) establish that Disney films influence children's gender development?

It analysed portrayals rather than children's interpretations or behaviour. Therefore, it cannot determine whether children imitate, reject or internalise the gender roles shown, limiting conclusions about media effects.

CLARK ET AL 2024

•  some of the “modern” animations seem to be moving away from portraying female protagonists who are motivated by their romantic pursuits, why could the representation of such characters still be a reason for concern?

• frozen (buck and lee, 2013) has been criticised for portraying elsa as both a leader of her people and single romantically (streiff and dundes, 2017a).

• No male character expresses romantic interest in elsa in either of the frozen films, which could portray that women are simply unable to occupy powerful leadership positions whilst having successfull romantic relationships, which is exemplified in anna and kristoff’s romantic plot running alongside elsa’s nonromantic ones

CLARK ET AL., 2024

• which animations have the most androgynous female characters and what does it provide evidence for?

• modern disney princesss animations

• these princesses tend to be highly assertive and atheltic as well as fearful and tentative

• the authors suggested this movement from highly stereotypical disney princesses to those high in both masculine and feminine behaviour provides evidence that there is a wide range of female gender profiles shown in the franchise overall, and that depictions of princesses have become more progressive over time

CLARK ET AL., 2024

• evaluation

• data collected does not consider whether stereotypical or non-stereotypical behaviour displayed by disney protagonists is presented as socially desirable or appropiate and thus worthy of replicaiton by children

• Box-office criteria limitations: The film inclusion criteria using the benchmark of films that had grossed over $200 million worldwide does not account for the popularity of Disney films on streaming services.

COYNE ET AL (2016)

• high levels of engagement with disney princess media was associated with more stereotypically feminine behaviour in both boys and girls and that the effect was longitudinal - it predicted the level of feminine behaviour displayed after 12 months.

How do England et al. (2011) and Clarke et al. (2024) compare in their findings about traditional femininity?

Both found that early Disney female protagonists were highly feminine and stereotypical. England et al. (2011) identified fearful, submissive and dependent princesses, while Clarke et al. (2024) found that feminine characteristics remained dominant even among modern female protagonists.

What do England et al. (2011) and Clarke et al. (2024) suggest about changes in Disney's gender portrayals?

England et al. (2011) found increasing masculine characteristics among princesses over time, suggesting greater independence. Clarke et al. (2024) found changes between early and middle eras but no statistically significant difference between female protagonists of the 1990s and 2009–2021, suggesting progress may have plateaued.

How do England et al. (2011) and Clarke et al. (2024) differ in their samples?

England et al. (2011) analysed nine Disney Princess films, focusing on princes and princesses. Clarke et al. (2024) analysed 39 protagonists from Disney films released between 1937 and 2021, including characters outside the princess franchise, providing broader coverage of gender representations.

How did Clarke et al. (2024) improve on England et al.'s (2011) coding framework?

Clarke et al. (2024) expanded the framework from 27 to 52 behavioural codes, incorporating gender-neutral traits, specific emotional behaviours and distinctions between different forms of assertiveness. This enabled a more nuanced assessment of gender portrayals.

Why is the distinction between assertiveness towards adults and towards children or animals important?

England et al. (2011) found that early princesses were sometimes assertive, but rarely towards adult authority figures or princes. Clarke et al. (2024) distinguished assertiveness towards adults from assertiveness towards children/animals, highlighting that displaying assertiveness does not necessarily indicate genuine power or autonomy.

Why might changes in coding schemes explain differences between Disney gender studies?

Hine et al. (2018a) identified more androgynous modern princesses, whereas Clarke et al. (2024) found modern female protagonists remained predominantly feminine. Clarke et al.'s expanded coding of emotional behaviours may partly explain this discrepancy, demonstrating that operational definitions influence content-analysis findings.

How might Disney's romantic narratives undermine apparently empowered female characters?

England et al. (2011) found that middle-era princesses became more independent but often remained constrained by romance and rescue narratives. Clarke et al. (2024) similarly discusses how apparent empowerment can coexist with traditional gender expectations, suggesting that behavioural assertiveness does not guarantee narrative autonomy.

How does Frozen illustrate the complexity of Disney's gender representations?

Elsa's leadership and absence of a romantic storyline challenge traditional expectations of female characters, while Anna's narrative includes romantic relationships. Clarke et al. (2024) discusses such contrasting representations, illustrating how progressive and conventional femininity can coexist within Disney films.

What is the difference between behavioural and narrative empowerment in Disney films?

Behavioural empowerment involves displaying characteristics such as bravery, independence and assertiveness. Narrative empowerment concerns whether female characters control their decisions, goals and outcomes. A character may display masculine-coded behaviours while remaining constrained by romance, male authority or traditional gender expectations (England et al., 2011; Clarke et al., 2024).

Why does increased female assertiveness not necessarily indicate the elimination of gender stereotypes?

Greater assertiveness may coexist with expectations of femininity, romance and dependence. England et al. (2011) found that assertiveness was sometimes restricted to interactions with less powerful characters, while Clarke et al. (2024) found continued feminine dominance in modern female protagonists. Therefore, behavioural change does not necessarily imply structural or narrative equality.

What overall critical conclusion can be drawn from England et al. (2011) and Clarke et al. (2024)?

Disney's female protagonists have become more behaviourally diverse, but this progress is neither linear nor sufficient to eliminate traditional gender expectations. England et al. (2011) highlighted mixed gender messages, while Clarke et al. (2024) demonstrated persistent feminine stereotyping. Evaluating empowerment therefore requires examining both behaviours and narrative agency.

SOCIAL COGNITIVE THEORY

• describes the ways in which children learn about gender differentiation from their environement

• theory suggests that children observe, attend to, and replicate behaviour of same-sex models more frequently because they identify them as like themselves in a process referred to as modelling

• children learn gendered information through models in their direct environment such as their parents, siblings, and peers as well as through the media

• a child must be motivated to replicate behaviour and motivation is likely to be lower if it is associated with an adverse outcome and is likely to be higher if there is a potential incentive

• because children are more likely to be praised for behaving in accordance with their gender role stereotype, they are more motivated to replicate stereotyped behaviour

• if a character in a film is shown to be displaying a gender a-typical behaviour and is humiliated as a result, the child will be less moticated to display the behaviour themslves.

• during this process the child learns to ‘regulate their own conduct by the reactions they expected from others, pursuing sa,e gender activities but shunning activities linked to the other gender’

• Bussey and bandura., 1999

GENDER SCHEMA THEORY

BEM (1981)

• describes the importance of the environment in childrens understandings of gender. This theory describes the process that children learn to associate information they gain into organised schemas regarding what is ‘for boys’ and what is ‘for girls’

• Schemas develop in complexity as more information from the environment is assimiliated

• the theory suggests that children are motivated to aquire knowledge to deveop their gender sche,a when they are able to label their own gender and thus appreicate gender as a signifivant feature of their identity

• While the child is assimiklating information into their gender schema, they may also use this inofmration to guide their behaviour.

• childgren gain gendered information from their environment, including the media they consume

what do both social cognitive theory and gender schema theory suggest?

that the messages obtained from media will be influential to childrens understanding of gender and the behaviour they will display

What did Towbin et al. (2004) investigate?

The portrayal of gender, race, age and sexual orientation across 26 Disney animated films, identifying recurring societal messages and stereotypes.

What four themes about masculinity did Towbin et al. (2004) identify in Disney films?

(1) Men express emotions physically or suppress them; (2) men lack control over their sexuality; (3) men are naturally strong and heroic; (4) men do not perform domestic work. These themes reinforce restrictive traditional masculinity.

What four themes about femininity did Towbin et al. (2004) identify in Disney films?

(1) Women's appearance is valued over intelligence; (2) women are helpless and require protection; (3) women are domestic and marriage-oriented; (4) overweight women are portrayed as unattractive, unpleasant and unmarried. These themes reinforce gendered expectations of beauty, dependence and domesticity.

How do Towbin et al. (2004) demonstrate gendered power inequalities in Disney films?

Male characters are associated with strength, heroism and independence, whereas female characters are associated with appearance, helplessness and dependence on male protection. This normalises unequal gender roles by positioning men as active agents and women as passive recipients of protection.

How do Towbin et al. (2004) and Witt (2000) support the argument that gender stereotypes are widespread in children's media?

Towbin et al. (2004) identified traditional masculinity and femininity in Disney films. Witt (2000) reviewed television research showing persistent male overrepresentation (2/3rds of characters male) and portrayals of women as young, attractive, ornamental and less competent. Together, they suggest stereotypical gender messages extend across media formats.

What did Witt (2000) report about gender representation on television?

Approximately two-thirds of television characters were male, a pattern reported as persistent since the 1950s. Female characters were frequently young, attractive and ornamental, while men were more often portrayed as competent, ambitious and powerful.

How does Towbin et al. (2004) illustrate the intersection of gender and appearance-based stereotypes?

Disney portrayals linked women's value to beauty and thinness, while overweight female characters were depicted negatively. Overweight male characters were also associated with negative traits. This suggests that gender stereotypes intersect with body-size stigma and appearance norms.

What are the main methodological limitations of Towbin et al. (2004)?

The descriptive content analysis cannot establish how children interpret or are influenced by Disney films. Its 26-film sample also excludes later releases, limiting generalisability to contemporary Disney representations. Additionally, limited historical contextualisation may overlook how portrayals reflect the social norms of their production periods.

Why should Towbin et al. (2004) not be used as direct evidence that Disney causes gender stereotyping in children?

The study identified recurring gendered messages in film content but did not measure children's exposure, interpretations, beliefs or behaviours. It therefore demonstrates the availability of stereotypical media representations, not their causal effects on children's gender development.

TOWBIN ET AL., 2004

• evaluation

• descriptive study only. didnt determine what meaninsg children derive from these movies or how it impacts them

• Limited Scope of Films: The findings are based on a sample of 26 films, excluding newer animated Disney films such as Finding Nemo, Lilo and Stitch, and Brother Bear, which may show strides in addressing stereotypes.

WITT (2000)

• how many characters on tv men

• approximately two-thirds of characters on television are male, a percentage that has stayed consistent since the 1950s

Women are ___ likely to be portrayed as ____ than are men (signarielli., 1999), and as ____. Less than ____ in ten are even slightly ___.

• Women are more likely to be portrayed as younger than are men (Signorielli, 1999), and as thin. Less than one in 10 are even slightly overweight (Fouts & Burggraf, 1999). 

Witt (2000) re-ported on several studies from the 1980s and 1990s:

• what are most women on nightime television like?

• what do their ages tend to be?

• what situations are they usually placed in?

• men are twice as likely to be….

• where are men shown as inept?

• Most females on nighttime television are young, attractive, thin, and ornamental

• Most female characters are either under 35 or over 50

• middle aged women are rare

• females are consistently placed in situations where looks count more than brains and helpless and incompetent behaviours are epxected

• Men are twice as likely as women to be shown as competent and able to solve problems

• men shown as inept when handling childrens needs

____ percent of television programs contain some violence; 44% of the time, perpetrators are_____, and in ____% of the cases, they received no immediate punish-ment for the crime (Smith & Donnerstein, 1998).

 Sixty-one percent of television programs contain some violence; 44% of the time, perpetrators are attractive, and in 75% of the cases, they received no immediate punish-ment for the crime (Smith & Donnerstein, 1998).

Men’s violence against women in the media is commonplace, and is often portrayed as a form of “____” in which women are ______ (hooks, 1994) 

Men’s violence against women in the media is commonplace, and is often portrayed as a formof “heterosexual-based eroticism,” in which women are seduced by mas-culine (and abusive) behavior (hooks, 1994) 

VIDEOGAMES: DILL AND THILL (2007)

• conducted a content analysis of inages of video game characters from popular american gaming magazines

• male characters (83%) more likley than female characters to be portrayed as aggressive

• female characters (60%) more likely than male characters to be sexualised

• female characters (39%) more likely than male characters (8%) to be scantily clad

How do Dill and Thill (2007) demonstrate traditional gender stereotyping in video games?

Male characters were disproportionately associated with aggression, while female characters were disproportionately sexualised and portrayed in revealing clothing. This reflects traditional expectations of male dominance and female attractiveness, potentially normalising restrictive gender roles.

DILL AND THILL (2007)

• evaluation

• No Effects Testing: The research does not test for effects of stereotyping and aggression in video games on actual behavior, thoughts, or feelings.

• Focus on Visual Imagery: Study 1 only analyzed the visual images of male and female video game characters throughout the magazines and did not analyze the accompanying text in the articles.

• Limited Sample Age/Region: The findings from Study 2 are based on a sample of 49 freshmen from a single private, liberal arts college in the Southeast.

• The study was published in 2007, and its magazine-based sampling does not necessarily reflect modern gaming experiences, including contemporary character customisation, online multiplayer games and more diverse protagonists. This is a reason to compare its findings with newer gaming research rather than assuming the same patterns persist unchanged.

• \5. Interactive versus passive media. Unlike television, video games can allow players to control and identify with characters. This raises a theoretically important question: could actively enacting a character's behaviour influence gender-role learning differently from merely observing it? Dill and Thill (2007) does not resolve this, but it is a useful direction for critical discussion.

  
  

When female characters were present in video games, they were likely to be _______ (Dietz 1998), such as _____ in the ____ games

When female characters were present in video games, they were likely to be damsels in distress (Dietz 1998), such as Princess Toadstool in the Mario Brothers games

What is hypermasculinity? Scharrer (2004)

the exaggeration of ‘macho’ characteristics, specifically hardened sexual attitudes towards romantic partenrs, a desire for action and danger, and the acceptance of physical vioelnce as a part of male nature

What is hyperfeminity? Scharrer (2004)

the amplificiation of female sterotypes, with an emphasis on dependance, submissieness, and sexuality as the basis of a womans value

Males exposed to advertisements featuring women portrayed as _____ subsequently show greater _____ attitudes (Lanis and Covell 1995).

Males exposed to advertisements featuring women portrayed as sex objects subsequently show greater rape supportive attitudes (Lanis and Covell 1995).

(Dill 2007)

• found a positive correlation between violent video game playing and endorsement of rape myths, including the myths that women secretley want to be raped, and that women sometimes ‘deserve’ to be raped.

• those who played more violent video games also endorsed more traditional views of sex roles, such as the idea that men are more capable as leaders and professionals, while women deserve less freedom than men and are subservient to men

In the Grand Theft Auto (GTA) series, what are women typically depicted as?

• prostitutes

• men are depicted as violent thugs

• male characters can have sex with a prostitute, then kill her, and take his money back

• female prostitutes, when hit by a male character, are programmed to respond ‘i like it rough’

what are booth babes?

provocatively dressed, attractive women representing game characters who pose for pictures with male video game conferences attendees

Dill et al. (2005) analyzed violence, sex, race and age in the top-selling PC games. They found that most games (___) were ___ and that women were _____ in video games (about ____ of characters were female). Male characters were never portrayed as highly sexualized, but female characters were.

Dill et al. (2005) analyzed violence, sex, race and age in the top-selling PC games. They found that most games (60%) were aggressive and that women were underrepresented in video games (about 20% of characters were female). Male characters were never portrayed as highly sexualized, but female characters were. Only ten percent of main characters were female

Beasley and Collins-Standley (2002) analyzed Nintendo and PlayStation games for gender role portrayals, focusing on revealing clothing. What did they find?

• Female characters were much more likely to be scantily clad.

• Furthermore, females were frequently portrayed as large breasted and as sex objects. 

Gerbner’s cultivation theory

• explains how exposure to mass media creates a worldview more consistent with media’s distortion of reality than with reality itself

• according to gerbner, media messages serve three psychological functions:

‘to reveal how things work, to describe what things are, and to tell us what to do about them’

cultivation theory (Gerbner, 1999) proposes that repeated media exposure can shape perceptions of social reality. Repeated portrayals of aggressive men and sexualised women may contribute to beliefs that these gender roles are normal or socially expected. However, Dill and Thill (2007) did not establish such long-term effects.

Bandura’s social cognitive theory of mass communication (bandura 2001)

• stresses the processing of symbols in making sesne of ones social environement

• eg) children learning about issues such as aggresison and gender idenitty through exposure to media figures that model these concepts (bandura and bussey., 2004)

Social cognitive theory (Bandura, 2001) suggests people can learn behaviours and social expectations through observing symbolic media models. Video game characters may provide models of aggression, dominance or sexualised femininity, particularly if their behaviours are rewarded or presented positively. Exposure alone does not guarantee imitation.

both the cultivation theory and social cognitive theory of mass communication articulate what?

how unreal symbols in the media contribute to user’s schemas (eg about gender roles and relationships) and that these schemas then influence peoples real life behaviours, thoughts and feelings

POLITICS: Q: What did Hooghe, Jacobs and Claes (2015) investigate?

Gender differences in television news speaking time among Belgian Members of Parliament (MPs), analysing over 6,000 news broadcasts from 2003–2011 to examine whether female politicians received equal media visibility.

• Braden (1996)has stated that female politicians often face stereotypical questions on ____ in the media and are described according to____.

• Braden (1996)has stated that female politicians often face stereotypical questions on womanhood in the media and are described according to traditional gender roles. 

What were the main findings of Hooghe et al. (2015)?

Female MPs were less likely than male MPs to receive speaking time and spoke for shorter periods. This gender disparity was especially pronounced among politicians holding elite positions, demonstrating unequal media visibility despite increased female political representation.

What key statistic demonstrates gender bias among elite politicians in Hooghe et al. (2015)?

Women in elite political positions received an average of 203.6 seconds of speaking time, compared with 485.1 seconds for men. Male politicians therefore received approximately 2.4 times as much speaking time.

What is the distinction between quantitative and qualitative gender bias in political news coverage?

Quantitative bias concerns how frequently politicians are featured and how much speaking time they receive. Qualitative bias concerns how politicians are portrayed, such as emphasis on appearance, personal life or gender stereotypes. Hooghe et al. (2015) directly examined quantitative bias, not qualitative portrayals

MEDIA BIAS THEORY

• Media bias theory suggests that the media “play an integral role in the campaign by framing, shaping, ignoring or presenting the candidates to the public” (Falk 2008: 2).

• The media would treat female and male politicians differently and this would be unfavorable for female politicians (Ross et al. 2013).

• As previous studies on agenda setting have shown, voters rely heavily on the media for information on politics, with a result that voting behavior can be strongly influenced by media messages (Iyengar and Kinder 1987)

What are the main methodological limitations of Hooghe et al. (2015)?

The study examined only speaking time, excluding framing, tone and stereotypical portrayals. It also focused on Dutch-speaking Belgian television news between 2003 and 2011, primarily outside election campaigns, limiting generalisability to other political systems, time periods and campaign contexts.

First-class essay connections: Hooghe et al. (2015)

1. Representation ≠ visibility ≠ equality. This is the strongest conceptual takeaway. Even if more women enter politics, unequal speaking time can mean their perspectives remain less prominent in public discourse. Hooghe et al. (2015) shows why simply counting women in powerful positions is insufficient for evaluating media equality.

2. Quantitative versus qualitative bias. Hooghe et al. (2015) measures how much female politicians speak, whereas Braden (1996) and Ross et al. (2013) discuss how female politicians are portrayed. Combining these perspectives offers a more comprehensive account of media gender bias, while recognising that Hooghe et al. did not directly test both dimensions.

3. The elite-position finding is particularly significant. Gender disparities were especially prominent among politicians in senior positions. This challenges the assumption that achieving higher political status automatically eliminates unequal media treatment.

4. Alternative explanations strengthen evaluation. Although unequal speaking time is consistent with gender bias, it does not establish intentional discrimination. Differences in party prominence, political roles, journalistic sourcing practices or newsworthiness could also contribute. A stronger study would examine whether gender differences persist after accounting for these factors.

5. Media effects remain untested. The study demonstrates unequal coverage, but not whether this affects voters' attitudes, political participation or women's career aspirations. These potential consequences require separate audience-based or longitudinal research.

POLITICS: Q: What did Lizotte and Meggers-Wright (2018) investigate?

Whether describing political candidates as attractive influences evaluations of their competence, intelligence, trustworthiness, qualifications and voting intentions, and whether these effects differ by candidate gender.

n experiment involving 141 university students who read fictional male or female political candidate profiles. Some profiles explicitly described the candidate as attractive, while others omitted attractiveness. Participants then evaluated candidate characteristics and stated their voting intentions. No photographs were used.

What were the main findings of Lizotte and Meggers-Wright (2018)?

Describing a female political candidate as attractive reduced evaluations of her competence, intelligence, trustworthiness and qualifications. Male candidates' evaluations remained largely unchanged when attractiveness was mentioned, suggesting a gender-specific penalty for emphasising appearance.

What key statistics demonstrate the attractiveness penalty for female candidates in Lizotte and Meggers-Wright (2018)?

Female candidates received an average evaluation of 0.81 when attractiveness was not mentioned, compared with 0.70 when described as attractive. Male candidates received similar scores whether attractiveness was mentioned (0.73) or not (0.74).

What is the attractiveness halo effect, and how does Lizotte and Meggers-Wright (2018) challenge it?

The attractiveness halo effect occurs when physical attractiveness produces favourable assumptions about other qualities, such as competence or intelligence (Verhulst et al., 2010). Lizotte and Meggers-Wright (2018) found the opposite for female political candidates when attractiveness was explicitly highlighted, suggesting that attractiveness effects depend on gender and context.

How does role congruity theory explain the findings of Lizotte and Meggers-Wright (2018)?

Role congruity theory (Eagly & Karau, 2002) proposes that prejudice arises when stereotypical female gender roles, such as warmth and nurturing, conflict with leadership expectations of authority and competence. Emphasising a female candidate's attractiveness may activate feminine stereotypes, reducing perceived suitability for political leadership.

What are the main methodological limitations of Lizotte and Meggers-Wright (2018)?

The experiment used 141 university students and fictional candidate profiles, limiting population generalisability and ecological validity. Written attractiveness descriptions may not reflect real political news coverage, and stated voting intentions may differ from actual electoral behaviour.

How can Lizotte and Meggers-Wright (2018) be used to critically evaluate gender bias in political media?

The study provides experimental evidence that highlighting female candidates' attractiveness can negatively affect competence-related evaluations, consistent with role congruity theory (Eagly & Karau, 2002). However, it does not demonstrate that journalists' appearance-focused coverage causes electoral losses, because real news exposure and actual voting were not examined.

First-class essay connections: Lizotte and Meggers-Wright (2018)

1. The attractiveness halo effect is context-dependent. The study is particularly valuable because it challenges the assumption that attractiveness universally benefits individuals. Whereas Verhulst et al. (2010) identified favourable evaluations associated with attractive candidates, Lizotte and Meggers-Wright (2018) found that explicitly drawing attention to female attractiveness produced negative evaluations. This suggests the way attractiveness is communicated may be as important as attractiveness itself.

2. Role congruity theory provides an explanatory mechanism. Eagly and Karau (2002) argue that female leadership can be evaluated negatively because stereotypical expectations of women conflict with expectations of leaders. Lizotte and Meggers-Wright (2018) provides findings consistent with this explanation, although it does not directly demonstrate that stereotype activation mediated the effect.

3. Link to Hooghe et al. (2015). The two studies examine different dimensions of gender inequality in political communication. Hooghe et al. (2015) demonstrates that female politicians receive less speaking time, whereas Lizotte and Meggers-Wright (2018) shows that particular information about female candidates can negatively influence evaluations. Together, they illustrate why both media visibility and the consequences of gendered portrayals matter.

4. Experimental control versus ecological validity. Unlike descriptive media content analyses, Lizotte and Meggers-Wright (2018) experimentally manipulated whether attractiveness was mentioned, supporting a causal interpretation of its effects on evaluations within the study. However, fictional profiles and a student sample limit the extent to which these findings can be applied to real political campaigns.

5. Avoid overclaiming electoral effects. The study measured candidate evaluations and stated voting intentions, not actual electoral outcomes. It would therefore be inaccurate to claim that appearance-focused news coverage directly causes female politicians to lose elections.

BEHIND THE SCREEN: Lauzen (2015)

• the celluloid ceiling has tracked womens employment on the top grossing films for the last 8 years

• in 2015 women comprised 19% of all directors, writers, producers, executive producers, editors, and cinematographers working on the top 250 domestic grossing films

• fully one third of films had no or 1 women in the roles considered for top 250 films

BEHIND THE SCREENS: SHAWCROFT ET AL 2022

• studied 61 disney films with 323 characters

• cosndiered gender of those involved in the production of these films

• male characters more likely to. be depicted as parents or children in films written by women

• female chracter’s occupational role, story role, and attracitveness differed significantly by decade, whereas only male characters occupational roles differed by decade

• the gender of the writers was asssociated with male characters family role, occupational role, attractiveness, and popularity, and wirh female characters intelligence. the gender of the directers was associated with male and female characters occupational roles.

• female characters were more often represented as grandparents in films produced by women, never by men.

• in films written by men, male characters were less often depicted as parents, while films written by both men and women had male characters more often depicted as both parents and children

SEXUAL ORIENTATION: Jacobs and meeusen (2021)

• content analysis of television news about LGBTQ people (1986-2017)

• no change in presnece

• news remains negatively biased, although news stories in which lGBT people are depicted as the cause of negatively have became less prevalent

• gay men are often more actively represented than lesbians and transgender men

Jacobs and meeusen (2021)

• evaluation

• Limited Geographical Scope: The study focuses solely on television news coverage in Flanders (the Dutch-speaking part of Belgium), which is characterized as a pioneer and leading country in terms of LGBT rights and acceptance.

• Focus on Public Broadcaster: The analysis is limited to the VRT, the main public broadcaster, which may have different reporting regulations (e.g., a Diversity Charter) compared to commercial channels.

• Exclusion of Bisexuals: Bisexual people were excluded from comparison analyses because they were clearly recognized as bisexual in only 14 news stories in case of visual representation, and 4 news stories in case of voice.

• Small Transgender Sample: Conclusions regarding transgender people should be qualified because the sample size for this group is rather low.

• No Causal Effects Assessed: The study cannot disentangle the effects of exposure to these shifting patterns in tone and framing on attitudinal and behavioral effects.

SEXUAL ORIENTATION: Mclnroy and Craig (2016)

• results indicate that while traditional media creates a common dialogue and validates idenitty, it continues to represent LGBTQ people as one dimensional and sterotypical, ignores many LGBTQ sub-topics, limits LGBTQ’s young peoples perceptions of their future trajectories, and offers no opportunities for critique. In contrast, emerging new media offers new, important, and valued spaces for discussion and creativity

SEXUAL ORIENTATION: Despite challenges, the development of young LGBTQ characters in traditional media has evolved distinctly from adult depictions. LGBTQ representations directed towards younger audiences tend to be more ______ than representations intended for adults (Meyer 2009). Positive depictions of LGBTQ youth also exist. Both the characters _____(Glee) and Justin Suarez (Ugly Betty) have been identified as examples of more positive youth representations. However, while both characters receive significant ______ and social support, both also exhibit common LGBTQ youth media stereotypes(e.g. ________) (MediaSmarts n.d.). 

SEXUAL ORIENTATION: Despite challenges, the development of young LGBTQ characters in traditional media has evolved distinctly from adult depictions. LGBTQ representations directed towards younger audiences tend to be more open-minded than representations intended for adults (Meyer 2009). Positive depictions of LGBTQ youth also exist. Both the charactersKurt Hummel (Glee) and Justin Suarez (Ugly Betty) have been identified as examples ofmore positive youth representations. However, while both characters receive significantfamilial and social support, both also exhibit common LGBTQ youth media stereotypes(e.g. being victims of bullying, interests in theater and fashion) (MediaSmarts n.d.). 

BURY YOUR GAYS

• when LGBTW characters are treated as more expendable in television narratives than their struaght counterparts

• also called dead lesbian syndrome due to the dispropritionate amount of female characters who fall victim to the trope