Nontraditional Approaches to Foreign Policy

In the aggregate, women’s leadership promotes bipartisanship, equality [PDF], and stability. And when women make up a critical mass of legislatures—around 25 to 30 percent—they are more likely to challenge established conventions and policy agendas.

Common ground. Women are more likely to cross party lines to find common ground. A study of the U.S. Senate found that women senators more frequently worked across the aisle and passed more legislation than their male counterparts. For example, women U.S. senators from both parties joined together to negotiate an accord to end a government shutdown. Another study showed that women prime ministers and cabinet ministers are more successful in reaching compromises. In Northern Ireland, Catholic and Protestant women’s groups joined forces to establish a powerful political party that made progress across religious divides during the Northern Ireland peace efforts in the late 1990s.

Equality and social welfare. Women lawmakers are more likely to advocate for policies that support equality and social welfare [PDF]. Once they reach a critical mass in legislatures, results ensue: One study found an increase in expenditure on education. Another study linked the growing share of women in sub-Saharan African legislatures to increased healthcare spending and lower child and infant mortality. Parliaments with more women have passed more robust climate policies. During the pandemic, women-led governments responded with rapid, effective, and socially inclusive measures [PDF]. Parliaments with a higher share of women lawmakers are also more likely to pass and implement [PDF] legislation that advances gender equality.

Stability. Women’s inclusion at leadership tables promotes stability. One study found that, on average, a country is almost five times less likely to respond to an international crisis with violence when women’s parliamentary representation increases by 5 percent. Within countries, women’s parliamentary representation is associated with a decreased risk of civil war and lower levels of state-perpetrated human rights abuses, such as disappearances, killings, political imprisonment, and torture. In post-conflict Rwanda, where over 50 percent of parliamentarians are women, lawmakers have supported inclusive decision-making [PDF] processes that promote reconciliation efforts at the local level. Women played leading roles in achieving peace in the Philippines and in shaping post-conflict constitutions around the world.

To be sure, electing women does not guarantee those outcomes. Holding political office is just the first step to wielding political power; in many countries, institutional structures and political systems still limit women’s ability to influence policy. Women are not a homogenous group, and not all women leaders will be cooperative, peaceful, or advocate for laws that strengthen gender equality. Being the first woman elected to a leadership position often means navigating previously male-dominated structures, which can translate into political caution rather than policy change.

In any event, evidence suggests that some hurdles are growing. As the number of women seeking office has increased, so has physical violence and online abuse [PDF] targeting women in politics. One study of women parliamentarians found that 44.4 percent [PDF] were threatened with death, rape, or physical violence. According to another study, women officials are targeted 3.4 times more often than men. Women have also been disproportionately affected by the COVID-19 pandemic through unemployment, wage disparity, and declining managerial positions.

Nonetheless, these setbacks have motivated women in many countries to become politically engaged and to connect through burgeoning worldwide networks [PDF]. As the ranks of women leaders increase, they help to inspire and empower others to enter the political arena.

Elected and appointed heads of state or government since 1946: The number of female heads of state and government between January 1, 1946, and August 20, 2024. We count female heads of state or government after World War II—when the world saw a wave of independence movements—and only include 193 UN member states. This list does not include monarchs or governors appointed by monarchs, acting or interim heads of state or government who were not subsequently elected or confirmed, honorary heads of state or government, copresidents, joint heads of state, heads of government of a constituent country, or women who were or are not constitutionally the head of government but rather serve or served in a position akin to a deputy to the president. In countries with collective heads of state, the list includes only presiding members (often called the chairperson).

This indicator was scored using the following methodology: The number of years since 1946 with a female head of state or government was divided by the number of years since 1946 with a male head of state or government. The male value was calculated by subtracting the female value from the total number of years since 1946 (seventy-eight). When a female head of state or government was suspended, we counted her time in office up until the date she was suspended, even if she officially remained in office (e.g., Park Geun-hye in South Korea and Dilma Rousseff in Brazil). If a country has had a woman head of state or government at the same time, we did not double count the time period. This data was collected using publicly available information and can be viewed in the map above.

UNSCR 1325 was adopted as the result of the commitment and vision of both civil society and the member states of the U.N. to address the policy gap of counting the role of women in peacebuilding and the long-term impact of conflict on their lives. Prior to its adoption, several major global conferences and policy frameworks were championed that sought to advance the rights of women and girls. Beginning in 1975, the United Nations convened world conferences to elevate gender equality on the global stage. In 1995, the Fourth World Conference on Women yielded the Beijing Declaration and Platform with key objectives that promoted of the role of women in peacemaking. The Coalition on Women and International Peace and Security was formed in response and became the main lobbying force for the creation of UNSCR 1325. In 2000, the Coalition’s efforts came to fruition when Namibia held the Security Council presidency and conducted an open session on Women, Peace, and Security. During this session, the U.N. Security Council acknowledged the changing nature of warfare, in which civilians are increasingly targeted, and women continue to be excluded from participation in peace processes, leading to the passage of U.N.

Resolution 1325 addresses two critical issues—the inordinate impact of violent conflict and war on women and girls, as well as the crucial role that women should, and already do play in conflict prevention and peacebuilding. Women’s full participation and involvement is important to every aspect of achieving and sustaining peace and stability within a community. The Resolution urges all actors to increase the participation of women and additionally incorporate gender perspectives in all United Nations peace and security efforts. Parties engaged in conflict must take special measures to protect women and girls from all forms of gender-based violence, especially rape and other forms of sexual violence that are particularly widespread during times of violent conflict. Each of its mandates falls into one UNSCR 1325’s four basic pillars: participation, protection, prevention and relief and recovery.

Participation: Calls for increased participation of women at all levels of decision-making, including in national, regional, and international institutions; in mechanisms for the prevention, management and resolution of conflict; in peace negotiations; in peace operations, as soldiers, police, and civilians; and as Special Representatives of the U.N. Secretary-General.

Protection: Calls specifically for the protection of women and girls from sexual and gender-based violence, including in emergency and humanitarian situations, such as in refugee camps.

Prevention: Calls for improving intervention strategies in the prevention of violence against women, including by prosecuting those responsible for violations of international law; strengthening women’s rights under national law; and supporting local women’s peace initiatives and conflict resolution processes.
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Relief and recovery: Calls for advancement of relief and recovery measures to address international crises through a gendered lens, including by respecting the civilian and humanitarian nature of refugee camps, and considering the needs of women and girls in the design of refugee camps and settlements.

UNSCR 1325 is a global commitment to ensuring that women and girls are more systematically and sustainably integrated into peace and security. This means, that it requires a global effort to implement the Resolution. Within the U.N., certain progress has been made, including the appointment of a Special Representative on Sexual Violence in Conflict by the Secretary-General and a commitment by the Secretary-General to ensure women are at all levels of senior leadership within the UN.

However, much of the implementation of UNSCR 1325 comes from the U.N. member states. Since 2005, U.N. Member States have put the tenets of the resolution into action through the development of government-led National Action Plans (NAP) or other national level strategies.

This NAP process assists countries in identifying priorities and resources, determining their responsibilities, and committing the government to action. These Action Plans are an important element to the implementation of the resolution worldwide. As of October 2020, have created National Action Plans, including the United States in 2011.  In a number of cases, there are countries on their second or third versions of their NAPs.

On October 6, 2017, the Women, Peace, and Security Act of 2017 was signed into law (Public Law No: 115-68) by President Donald Trump replacing the existing NAP framework. This bipartisan legislation strengthens efforts by the U.S. Government to ensure women’s meaningful inclusion and participation in peace and security processes to prevent, mitigate, or resolve violent conflict. In addition to Israel, the U.S. is now just one of two countries in the world to enact a domestic law that addresses Women, Peace, and Security. The new law bolsters existing and future policies by ensuring Congressional oversight in the U.S. Government’s efforts to integrate gender perspectives across its diplomatic, development and defense-related work in conflict-affected environments. A government-wide strategy on Women, Peace, and Security is required by the Act and will be implemented through interagency coordination, policy development, enhanced professional training and education and evaluation, among other approaches.

Women’s empowerment: Former U.S. Ambassador-at-Large for Global Women’s Issues at the U.S. Department of State, Melanne Verveer, emphasized, “Too often, women’s roles are marginalized because they are not seen in terms of their leadership. We must see women as leaders, not victims. We must also view their participation not as a favor to women, but as essential to peace and security.” The experiences of men and women in war are different. In these differences, women offer a vital perspective in the analysis of conflict as well as providing strategies toward peacebuilding that focus on creating ties across opposing factions and increasing the inclusiveness, transparency, and sustainability of peace processes.

Global security: Seeing that women’s participation is key to national security, the U.S. Department of Defense has sought to institutionalize the Women, Peace and Security agenda across the departments and branches of the U.S. military. Core pillars of the WPS agenda have been integrated into key doctrine, and Geographic Combatant Commands have incorporated similar objectives into Theatre Campaign Plans. For example, U.S. Southern Command’s Theater Campaign Plan included key tasks specifically addressing women’s integration into partner nation militaries and ministries of defense. Through their implementation plan, the DOD has made clear efforts to institutionalize the priorities of WPS.

International law: The Resolution brought to attention the critical need to address sexual violence perpetrated in conflict settings. Key pillars of UNSCR 1325, and subsequent resolutions, specifically highlight the long-term, broad impacts that sexual violence has on not just victims, but also entire communities over a long period of time. In alignment with the Resolution, international criminal courts and laws have adopted new standards and set clear precedent through the prosecution of sexual violence as a crime against humanity and war crime.

Peaceful masculinities: Men and male identity are too often left out of discussions on gender and peacebuilding, but a peaceful masculinities approach brings a wholistic perspective to understanding gender dynamics in conflict. Peaceful masculinities is a complementary approach to Women, Peace and Security that examines how men’s identity is often connected to the use of violence to solve conflict and seeks to develop a more peaceful, nonviolent approach to solving conflict.

Resolution 1325 was a landmark resolution in that it was the first to address the issue of women’s inclusion in peace and security matters. It also though launched what became a series of resolutions, each addressing a unique concern regarding the protection of women and girls during conflict, and their participation in decision-making processes.

SCR 1820: Passed in 2008, Resolution 1820 recognizes that conflict-related sexual violence is a tactic of warfare and calls for the training of troops on preventing and responding to sexual violence, deployment of more women to peace operations, and enforcement of zero-tolerance policies for peacekeepers with regards to acts of sexual exploitation or abuse.

SCR 1888: Passed in 2009, Resolution 1888 strengthens the implementation of Resolution 1820 by calling for leadership to address conflict-related sexual violence, deployment of teams (military and gender experts) to critical conflict areas, and improved monitoring and reporting on conflict trends and perpetrators.

SCR 1889: Passed in 2009, Resolution 1889 addresses obstacles to women’s participation in peace processes and calls for development of global indicators to track the implementation of Resolution 1325, and improvement of international and national responses to the needs of women in conflict and post-conflict settings.

SCR 1960: Passed in December 2010, Resolution 1960 calls for an end to sexual violence in armed conflict, particularly against women and girls, and provides measures aimed at ending impunity for perpetrators of sexual violence, including through sanctions and reporting measures.

SCR 2106: Passed in 2013, it provides operational guidance on addressing sexual violence and calls for the further deployment of Women Protection Advisers.

SCR 2122: Passed in 2013, it calls on all parties to peace talks to facilitate equal and full participation of women in decision-making; aims to increase women’s participation in peacemaking by increasing resources for women in conflict zones; acknowledges the critical contributions of women’s civil society organizations.

SCR 2242: Passed in 2015, it marks the 15th anniversary and reaffirms commitment to Resolution 1325; highlights the role of women in countering violent extremism and addresses the differential impact of terrorism on the human rights of women and girls.

SCR 2467: Passed in 2019, it recognizes that sexual violence occurs on a continuum of violence against women and girls and stresses the responsibility of addressing root causes of sexual violence, specifically structural gender inequality and discrimination.

SCR 2493: Passed in 2019, it urges U.N. member states to commit to implementing the nine previously adopted Women, Peace, and Security resolutions.

Last week, India’s legislature passed a landmark bill requiring the lower house of parliament (known as the Lok Sabha), the Delhi Legislative Assembly, and state legislative assemblies across the country to set aside one-third of their seats for women. The reform represents a significant change in a country that currently ranks 141 out of 185 countries globally with respect to women’s political representation, opening the door for many more women to enter national politics.

Efforts to pass a national gender quota in India are not new: versions of the same reform had been sitting in Parliament since 1996. Six previous attempts to pass the measure had failed, often due to the opposition of smaller regional parties, many of which insisted that the gender quota include a subquota for women representing historically disadvantaged castes. This time around, the bill was celebrated by parties across the political spectrum, as well as many women’s rights advocates. But several hurdles and trends—including delayed implementation and democratic backsliding—threaten to cloud the quotas’ numerous benefits.

The new law will not come into force before next year’s elections. It stipulates that the gender quotas will only begin after delimitation (redistricting, in Indian parlance) has been completed, based on numbers from the first census after the passage of the act. India’s decadal census was to be implemented in 2021 but has been delayed indefinitely, so the gender reservation may not come into effect until the 2029 general elections.

Once it is implemented, the reservation will ensure a significant increase in women’s political representation. As of 2023, women hold only 15.2 percent of seats in the Lok Sabha and 13.9 percent in the upper house, known as the Rajya Sabha—though the latter is not covered by the new law. Representation across all but two state legislative assemblies is even lower. For instance, in the Himachal Pradesh state assembly, only one out of sixty-eight members is a woman. Globally, the share of women in parliamentary office stands at 26.5 percent.

Part of the problem is that few Indian women run for office. In 2019, under 10 percent of candidates were women. Barriers include traditional gender norms that limit women’s roles, mobility, and influence outside of the home; lower levels of political knowledge; concerns about safety; and sexism and discrimination within political parties. Although Indians generally support women’s political leadership, women often struggle to advance in political parties without the patronage of powerful male leaders.

Some critics argue that gender quotas—especially those that reserve parliamentary seats for women—only result in women’s tokenistic inclusion, with male party leaders selecting candidates that they can control from behind the scenes. Although quota reforms are rarely sufficient to transform patriarchal norms and hierarchies, evidence from India’s local governments suggests that they can deliver tangible governance improvements and benefits for women citizens. Since the early 1990s, India has reserved one-third of village council leadership positions for women (and the reserved seats rotate each election). Research shows that this policy has brought more women into politics and has helped to change citizen attitudes about women in leadership positions, improved government responsiveness to female citizens, increased girls’ aspirations and educational attainment, fueled rising investments in public goods favored by women, and increased reporting of crimes against women.

These findings mirror global patterns. To date, 137 countries have implemented some form of gender quota in legislative bodies. These reforms have spurred increases in health spending, prompted new legislation on women’s rights, and increased legislators’ responsiveness to female constituents. However, in some cases, quotas have also generated backlash. In India, local female leaders have been more likely to enforce gender-equalizing property inheritance laws. One result has been an uptick in male resistance, with brothers often opposing their sisters’ land claims and pressuring them to renounce their rights.

The timing of the new gender reservation bill is not coincidental. Ahead of India’s critical 2024 elections, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) have an interest in appealing to women, who in 2019 turned out to vote in equal numbers to men for the very first time.

India’s upcoming elections are taking place amid a democratic erosion. Over the past several years, Modi has increasingly used the BJP’s electoral dominance to weaken checks on executive power; sideline the political opposition; and crack down on dissent in civil society, academia, and independent media. Undergirding these antidemocratic tendencies is the BJP’s Hindu nationalist rhetoric and agenda, which has fueled attacks on minority rights and a rise in extralegal violence.

But Modi remains a very popular leader, including among many women. Throughout his tenure, he has regularly focused on women’s empowerment to bolster his legitimacy, discussing women’s issues at public rallies and casting himself as a masculine protector figure. In 2019, the BJP fielded more female candidates than any other party, intensified its outreach to rural and poorer women, and became the party with the highest number of female voters. The party has also promoted social welfare schemes that primarily benefit women, such as distributing subsidized household gas cylinders. These efforts are not unusual. Around the world, autocratizing leaders often use women’s rights to bolster their domestic legitimacy while projecting a modernizing image to the world.

Observing rising political illiberalism, some feminist activists have critiqued the government for advancing a narrow and paternalistic vision of women’s empowerment rooted in conservative religious and gender norms. Muslim women and women from other marginalized groups have been at the front lines of nonviolent, anti-government protests, speaking out against some of the government’s illiberal policies and facing detention, police intimidation, harassment, and threats.

Together, these trends cast a shadow over the newly adopted quota reform. Bringing more women into national and state politics could be a significant step for women’s representation, making governance more responsive to women’s interests and needs. Yet ongoing efforts to concentrate power in the executive branch and close space for dissent will inevitably weaken these representational gains. After all, civil society is another critical space for women to articulate their demands, hold legislators accountable, and claim political power.

But What is a Feminist Foreign Policy? 

FFP is a bold commitment, signaling to those inside the government, civil society, and other states that a country sees gender equality as fundamental to peace, security, and stability. Modern traditional foreign policy frameworks, largely established after World War II, do not adequately address gender equality as a foreign policy and national security imperative. The FFP frameworks being adopted explicitly acknowledge that gender equality is a foreign policy goal that can decrease conflict, build more secure societies, and ensure that a full range of talent and input is used to solve problems. 

Gender equality as a strategy and a goal

Broadened definition of security

Inclusion of more diverse voices

These commitments raise the question: How does FFP differ from a more traditional foreign policy, or even one that is focused on advocating for, and advancing the rights of, women and girls? In short, an FFP integrates the goal of gender equality across national foreign policy and international security institutions. This translates into policies that prioritize gender equality across the departments and agencies responsible for diplomacy, foreign assistance/development, defense and security cooperation, and trade as both a means and an end.  

These commitments raise the question: How does FFP differ from a more traditional foreign policy, or even one that is focused on advocating for, and advancing the rights of, women and girls? In short, an FFP integrates the goal of gender equality across national foreign policy and international security institutions. This translates into policies that prioritize gender equality across the departments and agencies responsible for diplomacy, foreign assistance/development, defense and security cooperation, and trade as both a means and an end.  

During Sweden's time on the UN security council in 2017, it worked to include a resolution that sexual and gender-based violence could be grounds for sanctions.

Swedish membership also encouraged women's rights advocates from Somalia and Nigeria to speak at the council.

The biggest winners in the 11 September election were the far-right Sweden Democrats who emerged as the second-largest party behind the Social Democrats - who have dominated Swedish politics since the 1930s - taking around one-in-five votes. Born out of a neo-Nazi movement at the end of the 1980s, the anti-immigration party entered parliament with 5.7% of the vote in 2010, increasing this to 17.5% in 2018.