Lawyers and Social Movements in Post-Revolution Egypt Notes
Lawyers and Social Movements in Post-Revolution Egypt
Introduction
Lawyers play a crucial role in understanding law, street movements, and social change.
They exist in a liminal space between the status quo and social change, and between the law and activist communities.
Sociolegal scholars debate the impact of lawyers and legal advocacy organizations in social movements, questioning their effectiveness and relationships with their "clients."
Power differentials exist between lawyers and movements due to unequal resources and the embeddedness of lawyers within elite legal systems.
Others defend lawyers, highlighting the effectiveness of legal tactics in bringing about social reform and the multiple roles lawyers play beyond courtroom appearances.
This chapter explores a case study in Egypt that challenges the notion of lawyers as elites, focusing on non-elite lawyers who live as precariously as their clients.
It examines human rights lawyering and community-based lawyering in Egypt, where lawyers' non-elite status informs their relationships with communities and the role of law in affecting social change.
In a context of rising authoritarian legalism, lawyers and grassroots movements strategically combine court and street tactics to advance their causes.
Background
The case study is situated within the context of authoritarian legalism and a precarious legal profession in Egypt.
Authoritarian Legalism
Post-2011 Egypt experienced significant transformations, including multiple regime changes.
The ascent of the military to power in 2013 led to a new status quo.
The judicialization of politics and the growing role of lawyers have become prominent.
Legality and the rule of law can become forces of legitimacy for a repressive government.
The law can justify undemocratic regimes and be used as a tool to punish dissent, transforming into a "rule-by-law".
Rising repression undermines organized movements by restricting critical rights.
Large nationwide movements that built momentum for the 2011 Revolution were crushed after the 2013 military coup.
The legalization of politics exposed the interweaving of securitization and legality.
Military and exceptional courts have expanded, leading to the transformation of military camps and police stations into military courts.
The elite Egyptian judiciary aided in maintaining the status quo, symbolically de-legitimizing the revolution.
Authoritarian legalism relied heavily on the judiciary, excluding lawyers and their professional syndicate.
The Precarious Lawyers
Lawyers in Egypt have experienced transformations, shifting their class locations in society.
The profession has declined from its elite status to one occupied by low-income professionals.
At the turn of the twentieth century, lawyers fought for Egypt's independence and promoted modernizing reforms.
By the second half of the century, lawyers started losing their prominence due to a changing political economy.
President Nasser’s socialist regime resisted legality and judicial oversights, while Sadat’s economic liberalism shrunk the state’s role in providing employment and welfare to lawyers.
Economically, being a lawyer is no longer profitable for the majority.
Politically, lawyers and their professional syndicate have lost their elite place in national politics.
Law school has become the "dumping ground" for high school graduates who could not get into other fields.
Lawyers struggle to make a living, often working second shifts and abandoning their practice for better-paying jobs.
The decline in status has meant that many Egyptian lawyers live in subaltern areas among the urban poor.
These exclusions have transformed lawyers' relationships to the national elites and the streets, producing a class of underpaid lawyers living precariously.
Egypt’s Lawyers as Street Lawyers
Egypt's lawyers are referred to as "street lawyers" due to their embeddedness in the streets and their pragmatic politics.
Their professional politics has transformed into a fragmented politics exercised on the streets in support of various causes.
Lawyers strategize their interventions to combine both street actions and courtroom actions.
Human Rights Lawyering
The human rights movement in Egypt is often viewed as a movement of lawyers.
Lawyers in the human rights movement confront the government in court, demanding reparations and legal reform.
The Center for Human Rights Legal Aid initiated numerous cases.
The provision of free legal aid to the poor and marginalized became a hallmark of human rights lawyers.
The rise of the human rights discourse in Egypt was possible with the presence of authoritarian legalism.
Litigation continues to be central to the activities of human rights groups, contributing to the dominance of the human rights discourse and the judicialization of politics.
Khaled Ali and the Egyptian Center for Economic and Social Rights legalized the labor struggle and reframed its demands along legal discourses.
The organizational structure of human rights NGOs is telling of the centrality of lawyers, with many organizations registered as legal firms to escape restrictive NGO legislations.
Lawyers at HMLC play a variety of critical non-legal political roles, showcasing their embeddedness and contributions to street movements.
HMLC lawyers hosted grassroots political youth groups and created the "Front for the Defense of Protestors."
They also played a major role in documenting injuries, deaths, and disappearances during the uprising.
HMLC's central position in the uprisings was symbolically alluded to by the fact that journalists and international NGOs frequented its office.
The raid on HMLC by security forces is telling of the importance of human rights lawyers and how the state viewed them as a source of agitation.
Community Lawyering
Community lawyers are central to movements for change, particularly community-based mobilizations.
They act as organic intellectuals, using their skills to maneuver state institutions through legal action.
Al-Warraq island is an example of a social movement shaped by its community lawyers.
The residents of Al-Warraq refused legal aid from human rights lawyers and organizations, instead making use of their own community lawyers to organize themselves.
Al-Warraq’s community lawyers are the instigators of legal action, defenders of families, and targets of state arrest.
They strategically organized street action around court hearings, creating a choreographed dance between courtroom and street politics.
The lawyers understand the shortcomings of the law and the degree of politicization needed to push ahead in courtrooms.
The lawyers share a common life experience with their neighborhood, pushing them to defend their own causes.
The lawyers cooperate and compete to help the island, working with youth groups and within the island’s organized movement.
Conflicts can arise between lawyers and their communities, but these conflicts are not characterized by power differentials or resource inequalities.
Community lawyers often undertake the legal work voluntarily, knowing that their communities are too poor to pay for their services.
Street Lawyers, Grassroot Movements and the Law
Lawyers have an opportunity to engage with the state, even when public space is restricted.
Human rights lawyers and community lawyers illustrate different positionality of lawyers within movements.
The legal profession in Egypt has become more precarious, fragmented, and de-professionalized.
Lawyer-movement relationships are defined by being part of a movement, embedded within the movements.
Rising Legalism
There is a rising legalism and judicial discourse in the political field in Egypt due to the growth of criminal cases against dissidents and the repression on the streets.
The ongoing legalization of repression pulls much of the political energy into the legal framework.
Lawyer's Role
The relationship between lawyers and street movements has become critical, with accusations that lawyers have demobilized the streets by opening new legal channels of contention.
Blaming lawyers for legalizing politics fails to understand the dialectic between the legal and the political fields.
The rise of the security state has moved a lot of contention to court.
Human rights lawyering can be viewed as a reaction to the state ideology of ruling through authoritarian legalism.
Movement lawyers resist authoritarian legalism and bring political issues back to the streets.
Al-Warraq’s lawyers are engaged in organizing public education campaigns, press conferences, and street protests.
The Front of Defense of Egypt’s Protestors is a network of lawyers working to defend protestors.
The Front undertakes data collection, communicates with the media, organizes campaigns to collect bail money, and provides networks for families of detainees.
Lawyers broker the relationship of the detainees with society and the state, mediating people’s relationship to the law, the court system, the media, experts, municipalities, and government.
Conclusion
Sociolegal scholarship has treated lawyers as an elite professional group external to movements.
This chapter presented a case study of non-elite lawyers who are part of the grassroots communities.
It elucidated the unique relationships that lawyers have to the movements they represent, analyzed this relationship within the context of rising authoritarian legalism, and assessed the impacts of lawyers on movements.
Understanding the law as a site of repression and control is necessary, but not without contention.
Lawyers, grassroots movements, and ordinary people capitalize on these spaces to fight back and demand their rights.
States’ articulations of legality are not undisputed, opening spaces for human rights and community lawyers to fight back.
These legal actors strategically use the law as an avenue that complements their mobilization and movement actions.
The law is reclaimed for political change, and the street is utilized as a necessary precursor to any drive for change.