The Great Depression was the most devastating catastrophe in American history. Most
historians credit FDR and the New Deal with lifting America out of the Great
Depression, but the evidence indicates that Roosevelt’s policies actually prolonged it.
For example, in 1939 – seven years after Roosevelt won the presidency from Herbert
Hoover – the national unemployment rate stood at almost 21%. Indeed, Roosevelt’s
Treasury Secretary, Henry Morgenthau, confessed to fellow Democrats on the House
Ways and Means Committee that “We have never made good on our promises… I say
after eight years of this administration we have just as much unemployment as when we
started… And an enormous debt to boot!”
Roosevelt subscribed to the theory that the Great Depression was caused by under-
consumption. This thesis claims that “The Great Depression was accelerated because
workers did not have adequate purchasing power during the 1920s to buy the products of
industrial America.” In short, Roosevelt blamed America’s economic maladies on the
misdistribution of wealth.
The under-consumption theory sounds plausible on a superficial level. After all, it seems
reasonable to believe that unequal distributions of wealth would mean that at some point
too many goods would be churned out with not enough buyers able to afford them.
However, the statistical evidence does not support the under-consumption theory. In fact,
the evidence indicates that, prior to the Great Depression, demand far exceeded supply as
Americans gobbled up radios, vacuum cleaners, telephones, cars, and other consumer
goods. Further, there was no great surge in corporate profits prior to the Great
Depression. Instead, employee compensation as a percentage of corporate income was
on the rise. All this makes the under-consumption theory untenable. Nevertheless,
Roosevelt latched onto the thesis and made it the linchpin of his economic program.
The under-consumption theory implicitly blamed the rich for wrecking the economy.
The assumption was that businessmen and entrepreneurs could not be trusted to manage
the economy. Therefore, academic and other experts would be needed to serve on
economic planning boards and see that wealth was more evenly redistributed. The stage
was set for a massive government intervention in the economy.
Relief and the WPA: Did They Really Help the Unemployed?
“The Founders all saw relief as local and voluntary, and the Constitution gave no federal
role for the government in providing charity.” However, as unemployment soared during
the Great Depression, many Americans wondered how the jobless would find the means
to provide for themselves. President Hoover, under immense economic and political
pressure, inaugurated federal relief efforts. Many states and charities opposed this
tendency, but Roosevelt expanded this approach with his Federal Emergency Relief
Administration (FERA).
The federal government’s assumption of functions traditionally managed by charities and
localities would prove to be a far reaching shift that ultimately undermined the American
work ethic. Federal handouts had a number of unintended consequences:
1) It discouraged recipients from finding work.
2) States had an incentive to exaggerate needs in order to receive large chunks of
federal aid.
3) FERA money was frequently dispensed on the basis of political considerations,
rather than on the basis of real needs.
To his credit, Roosevelt recognized some of the pernicious consequences of FERA. As a
result, he replaced FERA with the Works Progress Administration (WPA), which
replaced direct handouts with a form of workfare. Undoubtedly, this was a move in the
right direction. Many WPA projects led to improved public works such as roads, bridges,
and schools. However, many observers believe that creating jobs in the WPA meant
losing at least as many private sector jobs. After all, government spending depends on
higher tax rates, which leaves less money for private job creation. In fact, many WPA
programs proved to be boondoggles.
Roosevelt promised he would not use WPA and other government relief programs for
political ends, but the evidence indicates this is exactly what he did. Simply put, workers
were hired or fired depending on their allegiance to the Democratic Party. Not
surprisingly, states that were key to Roosevelt’s electoral prospects were showered with
relief money. Some elected officials objected to how federal money was being used to
buy votes, but politicians that refused to accept political pork soon found themselves out of office
No Free Ride: The Burden of Excise, Income, and Corporate Taxes
Franklin Roosevelt dramatically expanded excise taxes to finance his New Deal policies.
An excise tax, of course, is a government fee on goods manufactured within a country.
Traditionally, the United States had limited excise taxes to alcohol and tobacco. After
all, excise taxes tend to be heavily regressive. However, Roosevelt expanded excise
taxes to cover cars, telephone calls, stock transfers, gasoline, and countless other
consumer goods.
Roosevelt justified his reliance on heavily regressive excise taxes on the grounds that the
rich were not paying their fair share of the income tax. Roosevelt had a conspiratorial
mindset when it came to the wealthy; believing a clique of wealthy businessmen were
hoarding wealth and purposively hindering new investments. Some advisors suggested
Roosevelt should cuts taxes to stimulate growth, but FDR’s response was paranoiac; he
agreed that cutting taxes would probably help recovery, but he insisted doing so would
lead to the election of a fascist president.
Roosevelt’s paranoia regarding the wealthy was reflected in the draconian tax rates he
aimed at the rich. In 1939, the top federal income tax rate stood at 79%. But if Roosevelt
had it his way, anyone earning $100,000 or more would have been hit with a 99.5% tax rate
The IRS: FDR’s Personal Weapon
FDR may have been the originator of the practice of using the IRS as a political weapon.
In fact, “Roosevelt marveled at the potential of the IRS for removing political
opponents.” In addition to targeting political leaders who opposed him, FDR also used
the IRS to go after wealthy Americans and media critics of the New Deal. In short,
Roosevelt used the IRS to intimidate the wealthy in order to insure they sent more of their
money to Washington for the funding of New Deal programs. Ironically, FDR used
substantial deductions and loopholes to shield his own income. His tax avoidance
schemes were legal, but hypocritical.
Roosevelt’s New Deal programs did not bring America out of the Great Depression; most
historians agree that the mobilization and large-scale spending made necessary by WWII
led to the full employment that catalyzed America’s recovery. In fact, the evidence
indicates that Roosevelt’s ad hoc, whimsical, and politically self-serving New Deal
policies created the kind of uncertainty that prolonged the Great Depression.
Despite Roosevelt’s poor economic track record, the vast majority of historians have
lauded FDR. No doubt, many are sympathetic to his New Deal philosophy and wish he
had done even more to redistribute wealth and reform society. However, FDR’s
progressive view of government – that it should intervene to insure equality – is
diametrically opposed to the Founders’ conception of limited government, which
emphasized process not results.
“Roosevelt’s new progressive rights, unlike those of the Founders, imposed obligations
on society to provide jobs, buy homes, and pay for education.” Consequently, FDR’s
progressive philosophy led to a huge increase in the size of government.
The New Deal continues to cast a giant shadow over American society. It is a myth that
FDR’s New Deal policies restored American prosperity. Minimum wage laws prevent
low-skill workers from gaining a foothold in the workplace, thus exacerbating
unemployment. Social Security is financially unsound since the funds paid into the
system are no longer sufficient to meet future obligations. And farm subsidies continue
to impose indefensible costs on taxpayers and consumers.
The federal government’s massive intervention into American society began with FDR.
This fact has produced dramatic changes in our economic system, our politics, and our
presidents. Unfortunately, these changes have led voters to weigh money and subsidies
more heavily than substance and character when picking presidents.