The emergence of Labelling theory
Challenging positivist criminology
Positivist criminology assume that crime is an unproblematic concept
Legal codes are viewed as the most precise and least ambiguous way of defining crime (Michael and Adler, 1933 p.2)
Focus on the characteristics of offenders not the characteristics of the law
Counter narrative from the late nineteenth century,
Marxists/critical thought
Positive orthodoxy until 1960s
The foundations of labelling theory can be found in the broader cultural shifts that occurred during the 1960s particularly in the USA
The Civil Rights movement
Gay rights movement s
Women’s rights movements
Social institutions seen as reinforcing injustices and inequalities rather than protecting liberty and equality
Marked the beginning of ‘new deviancy’ approaches to crime
Critiqued orthodox criminology
Emphasised the importance of understanding group interaction
Focused on rule making and rule breaking
A critical view of power relationships defined the new deviancy focus
Lemert (1967) Human deviance, social problems and social control
Symbolic interactionism:
Central to new deviancy approaches
George Herbert Mead
Argues that interaction is aided by symbols
Reality is constructed by individuals and groups
How an idea, behaviour or individual is defined is dependent upon time, place and context
The colour red in Western culture is usually associated with anger or danger
We use symbols to express abstract ideas such as emotion
Such expressions are culturally dependent
Although the electromagnetic properties of red are constant the meaning of red is not
Meaning is dependent upon the history, traditions and beliefs of specific groups and cultures.
To understand what crime is, we need to understand how it is constructed
Key points
New deviance criminology marks a shift in thinking about crime
Labelling began during the 1960s and is clear challenge to both orthodox criminology and criminal justice more broadly
Labelling is based on the idea of symbolic interaction
Labelling theory’s central argument is that crime is constructed
To understand this construction we need to firstly understand where rules come from and who rules are applied to
The social construction of deviance
Defining deviance
Deviance is an act that breaks the rules
Lemert (1967) refers to such acts as ‘primary deviance’
A common occurrence arising in ‘a wide variety of social, cultural and psychological contexts’
Most acts of deviance go unnoticed because they are not central to our behaviour
As primary deviance is ubiquitous we do not tend to think of ourselves as rule breakers
A distinction between deviant acts and deviant identities
Becoming a deviant and adopting a deviant identity requires interaction
Social reaction (or interaction) to deviance may prevent or perpetuate further deviance
It is the labelling of an act rather than the act itself that is significant
To be labelled as deviant causes a symbolic reorganisation of our self image as we internalise ideas about our deviance
Lemert (1967) argued that this process of labelling and symbolic
recognition leads to acts of ‘secondary deviance’
Secondary deviance occurs as a result of Labelling
Deviant self-identity takes place in a social context
Deviance as a ‘role’ employed to defend,
attack or adjust to the problems of societal reaction
No longer isolated acts but a defining feature of
behaviour
The creation and enforcement of rules:
Understanding how rules are created and who they are applied to should be our focus
The process of Criminalisation
Howard Becker (1963) Outsiders: Studies in the Sociology of Deviance
Individuals and/or groups who seek to impose their beliefs on less powerful
individuals
‘self-serving’ or ‘altruistic’
Regardless the status quo is usually maintained
“[The disadvantaged] do not always like the means proposed for their salvation” (1963, p. 149)
1. An issue is identified
2. Rules are created to address the issue
3. Rules are applied to specific groups, who become ‘outsiders’
Power is the defining feature of the labelling process described by Becker (1963)
The power to define
The power to apply
The power to resist
The application of labels is not inevitable
The pre-existing characteristics of the individual underpin the symbolic
interactionist process
Jamie Oliver’s ‘Feed Me Better’ and ‘Not for Children’ campaigns
Bad for the producers of processed food
Good for ‘healthy eating’ advocates
The creation of new nutritional guidelines [rules] inevitably results in the creation of new deviant outsiders
‘Junk Food Mums’
Key points
Important to distinguish between deviant acts and deviant identities
Rules are created via the processes of social interaction
Those with power tend to create rules which match their outlook
Rule creation can be selfish or altruistic but the outcome is the same
Rules are applied according to existing distributions of power
Rules reinforce social hegemony through the creation of ‘outsiders’
The consequence of deviant labels
Tannenbaum (1938) ‘the dramatization of evil’
The confusion of delinquent act and delinquent actor
The impact of deviance is further ‘dramatised’ by sanctions
Sanctions isolate and stigmatise an individual
Management of identity (Goffman 1956)
Type of Label
Actors and institutions involved
Spoiled identity (Goffman 1963)
An attribute that is deeply discrediting within a particular social interaction
Physical, mental and emotive characteristics
Ceremonies of degradation
Spoilage is compounded by total institutions
A shift in the moral career of the individual
Stigmatised interaction can result in a ‘self-fulfilling prophecy’ (Merton, 1963)
“In the beginning, a false definition of the situation evoking a new behaviour which makes the original false conception true” (Merton, 1968 p.477)
Deviant label to deviant self-identity
Individual becomes what the sanctioning process was intended to prevent
Deviance is amplified (Wilkins, 1964)
Definitional Inconsistency
Causation unclear
Preoccupation with the ‘underdog’
Lack of Empiricism
Two key propositions:
Official sanction predicts recidivism
Power relationships predict labelling
Large volume of literature on both
Key Points
Tannenbaum and Goffman view the labelling process as damaging to individual self-identity
Committing a deviant act is secondary to adopting a deviant identity
Occurs when act and actor or conflated
Stigma cannot be managed
Official sanctions tend to be stigmatising
Ceremonies of degradation
Management of stigma is keyed to existing power relationships