The Sectional Crisis: Page-by-Page Notes (Open American Yawp)
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Opening discussion about history and its study: history is not just memorizing names and dates; it is an ongoing conversation between the past and the present.
Key ideas: historians ask questions, weigh primary sources, consider rival interpretations, and argue conclusions.
History is a global conversation, requiring attention to transnational forces and the experiences of ordinary people, not only elites.
Primary quotes and references introduce the notion that the past is living through how we study and interpret it.
The purpose of studying history includes cultivating skills: careful reading, creative thinking, and clear communication.
George Santayana’s quote: “Those who fail to learn from history are doomed to repeat it.”
The text situates itself as an open resource, encouraging public participation through comments and edits.
Whitman’s line: “I too am not a bit tamed—I too am untranslatable,” used as organizing principle for a plural, cacophonous American story.
The Preface frames The American Yawp as a coherent narrative drawn from recent scholarly work, while incorporating diverse voices and transnational perspectives.
Note on licensing: CC-BY-SA 4.0 International; the project invites use, distribution, and modification.
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The Preface expands on the open, evolving nature of the textbook: a collaborative process with input from hundreds of historians.
Emphasizes inclusion of diverse voices, narratives of resistance, and cultural creation across spaces (maternity wards, prisons, streets, bars, boardrooms).
Reiterates the aim to “guide students in their encounter with American history” and to democratize the past for 21st-century readers.
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The Preface continues with practical notes: The American Yawp is openly accessible online at www.AmericanYawp.com; a print edition is published by Stanford University Press.
Encourages readers to contribute feedback via the site’s feedback page.
Reaffirms the text as a fully open resource under CC-BY-SA 4.0; invites use, download, distribution, and modification.
Editors: Joseph Locke & Ben Wright.
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Chapter 13: The Sectional Crisis, I. Introduction
Central thesis: Slavery’s western expansion catalyzed a political crisis in the United States from the start.
Key conflicts: Northern workers fear slavery depresses wages and occupies land; Southern planters fear abolitionist influence and slave insurrection.
Enslaved people actively resisted, escaping via the Underground Railroad; their resistance underscored the pressure points between free and slave states.
Visual reference: A mural (Tragic Prelude by John Steuart Curry, 1938–1940) depicting violence and religious fervor surrounding Brown’s era.
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II. Sectionalism in the Early Republic
Slavery has ancient roots; in the Atlantic world, slavery underpinned wealth (tobacco, indigo, sugar) and the British colonial economy.
Enlightenment/early modern anti-slavery ideas question natural-law justifications; revolutions (U.S., French, Haitian) radicalize debates about freedom and equality.
Haitian Revolution (1803) as a critical early source of sectional crisis: a slave-led independence that shattered assumptions about the reducibility of Africans and the ability to govern enslaved populations.
Military service during the American and British wars freed enslaved people and spurred free Black communities, keeping antislavery pressure alive.
By 1820, debates over the expansion of slavery into new territories would become a national security concern insofar as free/slave state balance mattered for political power in Congress.
Northwest Ordinance (1787) banned slavery north and west of the Ohio River; interpretations varied about whether slavery was meant to die out as a result. 36^ ext{o}30^ ext{'} line later becomes a dividing line in territorial expansion.
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III. The Sectional Crisis (continued)
The map reference notes the geographic distribution of slave populations in 1860, highlighting the Mississippi River, the Black Belt in Alabama, and coastal South Carolina as centers of slavery-based production.
Slavery’s expansion into new western lands provoked fierce political battles; sectionalism was not confined to the South but involved national debates about power and geography.
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The Missouri Crisis and Compromise context
The Ohio River Valley becomes a flashpoint for free vs. slave expansion.
The Northwest Ordinance’s ban on slavery in certain territories shapes the early federal stance on slavery’s expansion.
The Missouri Compromise (1820) emerges as a crucial early attempt to resolve sectional tensions by balancing free and slave states and drawing a 36°30′ dividing line for future expansion. 36^ ext{o}30^ ext{'}
Mississippi River trade and the Missouri Territory become pivotal in the sectional crisis.
The compromise also addresses political representation: southern representation could be affected by the relative number of enslaved people counted for representation (three-fifths compromise context) and fugitive slave laws.
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III. The Crisis Joined
Missouri’s admission to the Union (1821) exposes fault lines; the compromise fosters a tentative regional consensus that slavery would not expand north of the line at 36°30′, with Missouri as the key exception.
Expansion westward intensifies tensions; Denmark Vesey’s 1822 rebellion signals Black activism and white religious leadership’s concern with social order.
Slavery’s expansion is tied to the broader political economy: enslaved labor supports southern agriculture and fuels northern industry via raw materials.
The Second Great Awakening and religious reform movements deepen sectional divergences; whites across regions respond to reform with antislavery or pro-slavery positions, while white supremacy underpins the political order.
Jacksonian democracy expands white male suffrage, widening the political base and reshaping party dynamics (Democrats vs. Whigs).
Democratic Party mobilizes broad white working-class support; Republicans form later as an antislavery coalition.
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III. The Crisis Joined (continued) and the Missouri Compromise’s political legacies
The Missouri debates reveal that questions about the framers’ intentions, constitutional interpretation, and the status of slavery in the territories are deeply contested.
Antislavery arguments emphasize that the framers avoided the word “slave” and argued slavery’s expansion could be limited by constitutional amendments or by future legislative action.
The Tenth Amendment, Fifth Amendment, and other constitutional provisions are invoked in debates about the legality and scope of slavery’s expansion.
The Missouri crisis reverberates beyond legal text: it becomes a broader referendum on the nation’s past, present, and future, affecting Black citizenship debates and Native American concerns.
The crisis precursors lay groundwork for a more stable, though uneasy, sectional order, as the country moves toward further expansion and conflict.
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III. The Crisis Joined (continued) and the political landscape leading into the 1830s–1840s
Denmark Vesey’s rebellion (1822) signals Black resistance and fears of social disorder among whites.
The Second Great Awakening deepens religious schisms; political party realignments reflect broader regional and religious differences, including proscription of reform movements and debates about slavery.
The Democratic Party consolidates power with white male franchise expansion, while the Whigs attract merchants, farmers in the Midwest, and urban reformers; neither party makes antislavery a core plank in their earlier stages.
The Liberty Party (1839) emerges as an early purely antislavery party but garners limited electoral support; its existence foreshadows future Republican alignment.
The Missouri Compromise legacy continues to shape political calculations as new states (Arkansas, Michigan) enter the Union with slave and free status, respectively.
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IV. Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men
The chapter shifts to Free Soil politics as a response to the Mexican War’s territorial acquisitions and the Wilmot Proviso (1846), which sought to ban slavery in new U.S. territories.
The Liberty Party’s limitations lead antislavery leaders to form the Free Soil Party (1848), which advocates preventing slavery expansion and promoting Free Soil principles rather than immediate abolition.
The Free Soil platform calls for ending slavery in Washington, D.C., and halting slavery’s expansion into new territories; it also marks a cross-regional coalition bridging eastern and western leadership.
The 1848 election: Zachary Taylor (Whig) defeats Lewis Cass (Democrat); Free Soil’s impact is modest but establishes a new political space.
The Mexican War’s aftermath and expansion prompts reform currents, including women’s rights activism (Seneca Falls, 1848) and abolitionist advocacy (Frederick Douglass’s public prominence).
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IV. Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men (continued)
The rise of political mobilization around antislavery and reform intersects with immigration and nativist tensions (Know-Nothing movement).
The 1848–1850 period sees debates over California, New Mexico, Utah, and the expansion of federal power to regulate slavery’s spread; the Compromise of 1850 becomes a focal point in maintaining a tenuous balance.
The Know-Nothing movement (American Party) rises briefly (mid-1850s) but does not eclipse the antislavery coalition.
The admission of Wisconsin as a free state (1848) helps stabilize some territorial questions after the Texas and Florida admissions; the era also sees a surge of abolitionist sentiment and reform activity.
The 1850s intensify sectional politics, setting the stage for the collapse of the Whig Party and the rise of the Republican Party.
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IV. Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men (continued) and the Wilmot Proviso
The Wilmot Proviso (1846) proposes banning slavery in territory acquired from Mexico; it gains significant northern support but fails in the Senate, highlighting sectional deadlock.
The Mexican War ends with the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo (1848), expanding U.S. territory and intensifying disputes over slavery’s expansion into the new lands.
The Free Soil movement gains traction, foreshadowing a broader antislavery coalition that will culminate in the Republican Party’s emergence.
Frederick Douglass’s ascent as a leading abolitionist voices, and Sojourner Truth’s activism, are highlighted, illustrating the role of Black abolitionists in shaping political debates.
The generation of reformers (including women’s rights advocates) links to broader cultural and political shifts that transform American politics in the 1850s.
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IV. Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men (continued) and the 1848–1850s reforms
The Free Soil coalition’s influence grows in Congress, as new Western territories organize and political alignments shift; the era sees heightened agitation around the question of slavery’s expansion into new territories and states.
The Mexican War’s outcomes intensify debates over the balance of free and slave territories, with Free Soil and abolitionist voices pushing for restriction of slavery’s spread.
The 1848 Seneca Falls Convention marks a rising women’s rights movement; Frederick Douglass’s involvement signals the alliance between abolitionism and gender equity movements.
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IV. Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men (continued) and political outcomes
The acquisition of new territories (e.g., Wisconsin’s admission as a free state in 1848) contributes to cooling some tensions, but major conflicts persist around slavery’s expansion.
The era ends with a political reconfiguration: the Democratic and Whig parties remain dominant, but new antislavery coalitions begin to cohere, forecasting the rise of the Republican Party.
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V. The Compromise of 1850 and the Fugitive Slave Act
The Compromise of 1850 attempts to resolve conflicts over California’s statehood, the status of new territories, and the federal government’s power to regulate slavery.
Key provisions: California admitted as a free state; New Mexico and Utah territories organized with popular sovereignty to decide slavery; abolition of the slave trade (but not slavery itself) in Washington, D.C.; a stronger Fugitive Slave Act; adoption of a federal judiciary to adjudicate fugitive cases; and a more flexible approach to the slave trade.
The Fugitive Slave Act increases federal power and deputizes ordinary citizens to assist in capturing runaway enslaved people; it provokes resistance in the North and anger among abolitionists.
The Compromise intensifies debates about federal power, states’ rights, and the reach of slavery into new territories; it is controversial and temporary, highlighting the fragility of any lasting consensus.
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V. The Compromise of 1850 (continued) and the political backlash
The Compromise’s passage inflames antislavery sentiment, but it also fuels Northern criticisms of a supposed “Slave Power” controlling Congress.
Harriet Beecher Stowe’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin (1852) becomes a bestseller, galvanizing antislavery sentiment in the North while provoking racist backlash in the South.
The novel’s fame demonstrates how culture and literature can influence political currents and mobilize public opinion around abolitionism.
The 1850s see continued political realignment and the erosion of the old party system, setting the stage for new party formations centered around opposition to slavery’s expansion.
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V. The Compromise of 1850 (continued) and its political repercussions
Uncle Tom’s Cabin’s impact deepens the national conversation about slavery’s humanity and brutality, but the text also reveals the era’s racial stereotypes and the limits of abolitionist rhetoric.
The 1852 election brings Whigs to defeat; the Democrats gain strength but remain divided over slavery’s expansion.
Stephen A. Douglas promotes the Nebraska–Kansas plan as a means to organize western territories and advance a transcontinental railroad agenda, signaling a new strategy to resolve territorial issues.
The political landscape in the 1850s is deeply contested, with growing antislavery sentiment coalescing into a Republican platform that opposes slavery’s expansion into new territories.
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VI. The Kansas-Nebraska Act and its consequences
The Kansas-Nebraska Act (1854) creates two new territories with popular sovereignty to decide whether slavery would be legal there, nullifying the Missouri Compromise line.
The act triggers a political and territorial bloodletting known as “Bleeding Kansas,” with pro-slavery and abolitionist factions clashing violently in Kansas.
The Anthony Burns case (Boston, 1854) illustrates the brutal enforcement of the Fugitive Slave Act and demonstrates Northern resistance to federal policy.
The New England Emigrant Aid Company supports anti-slavery settlers moving to Kansas to influence the territory’s status; violence and racial tensions escalate as both sides mobilize.
Know-Nothing movement (American Party) rises as an anti-immigrant force but largely fusioned with antislavery politics in practice; its fortunes fade as slavery becomes the dominant national issue.
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VII. The Caning of Charles Sumner and the rising polarization
The Sumner-Brooks incident (1856) exemplifies extreme sectional hostility in Congress and the collapse of civility in abolitionist vs. pro-slavery debates.
Pro-slavery violence in Kansas (Lawrence) and abolitionist retaliation (John Brown’s killings) reflect the deepening national crisis.
The Republican Party forms in the wake of these events, combining anti-slavery opposition with a broader reformist agenda; Abraham Lincoln emerges as a leading figure in the Republican movement.
The political scene crystallizes around debates over whether the nation can remain united with harmony or will fracture over slavery’s expansion.
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The Sectional Crisis enters a new phase: the Republican Party’s emergence centers around anti-slavery expansion and a coalition of northern Whigs, Free Soilers, and anti-slavery Democrats.
The political climate grows more volatile as Kansas’s status and the broader slavery issue threaten to redefine national politics.
John C. Frémont (Republican) runs in 1856; his campaign helps establish the party’s antislavery credentials, though his victory is limited and sectional divisions persist.
Lincoln’s trajectory begins to crystallize as a future leader within the Republican coalition.
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The Sectional Crisis turns national in 1856–1860 as Kansas politics, popular sovereignty, and national party realignments converge.
Kansas’s status as a free or slave state becomes a proxy for the broader national crisis over slavery’s expansion and national cohesion.
The 1856 election underscores the fragility of the Union, with the Republicans winning several northern states but failing to secure a nationwide majority.
The decade’s violence and political fragmentation foreshadow the forthcoming national crisis.
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VIII. The Dred Scott decision and its consequences
The Dred Scott v. Sandford decision (1857) holds that Black Americans could not be citizens and asserts that Congress cannot ban slavery in the territories, thereby nullifying the Missouri Compromise.
The decision intensifies sectional conflict by affirming federal support for slavery’s expansion and provoking widespread outrage among abolitionists and Northern Republicans.
The Utah War and federal authority during this period are noted as additional flashpoints, though not as central as the Dred Scott ruling.
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IX. The Kansas crisis and the 1858 Illinois Senate race
Kansas experiences ongoing conflicts (Bleeding Kansas), including violence and electoral manipulation; the 1858 Illinois Senate race pits Abraham Lincoln against Stephen Douglas.
Douglas’s “Freeport Doctrine” and debates with Lincoln shape the Republican platform and Lincoln’s rise as a national figure.
The national mood grows darker as sectionalism intensifies; the nation teeters on the edge of disunion.
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X. Lincoln, Douglas, and the path to 1860
The 1854 Peoria speech (and Lincoln’s later leadership) crystallize the Republican message around stopping slavery’s expansion and preserving the Union.
The 1860 Republican platform calls for anti-slavery expansion, a transcontinental railway, and broad public education support; Lincoln’s candidacy represents a potential antislavery presidency but faces significant Southern opposition.
John Brown’s raid on Harper’s Ferry (October 1859) dramatizes the national crisis and intensifies sectional polarization; Brown’s execution in December becomes a rallying symbol for abolitionists and a point of fear for slaveholders.
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The 1860 presidential election consolidates sectional alignments: Lincoln (Republican) wins with about 40% of the popular vote and no Southern electoral votes; the Democrats are split between Northern Douglas/ Breckinridge factions.
Southern states begin to secede in the wake of Lincoln’s victory, arguing that the federal government threatens slavery’s expansion and, more broadly, political power.
By December 20, 1860, South Carolina secedes, and other Deep South states follow, forming the Confederate States of America. The attack on Fort Sumter soon follows after Lincoln’s inauguration.
The election and secession illustrate how a single political contest crystallized a national crisis over the future of slavery and national unity.
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Immediate causes of secession center on federal authority and the failure to enforce the Fugitive Slave Act, along with the belief that the federal government would limit slavery’s expansion and threaten the Southern way of life.
The secession crisis represents a shift from a sectional crisis to a national crisis, with the South believing secession is necessary to preserve slavery and political sovereignty.
The Civil War begins soon after with the Confederate attack on Fort Sumter, marking the start of a national conflict that will redefine the United States and its constitutional order.
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VI. Conclusion and Reference Material
The conclusion reiterates that slavery divided American politics and that the sectional crisis was driven by westward expansion, political realignment, and the struggle over whether slavery would be allowed to spread into new territories and states.
The emergence of the Republican Party in the 1850s as an antislavery coalition is highlighted as pivotal to redirecting the nation toward war as a solution to the crisis.
The conclusion emphasizes that abolitionist and reformist movements sought peaceful resolutions and moral suasion, but the secession crisis ultimately led to war.
The reference material credits editors, contributors, and provides recommended citation information for the chapter.
Key recurring concepts, terms, and motifs across pages
History as conversation and method: use of primary sources, contesting interpretations, and evolving narratives.
Transnational and inclusive history: seeking voices beyond elites, including marginalized communities.
The moral and political crisis of slavery’s expansion: economic, political, and ethical dimensions.
Major political divisions and realignments: Democrats vs. Whigs, the emergence of the Republican Party, Free Soil, Liberty Party, Know-Nothing movement.
Territorial expansion and constitutional conflicts: Northwest Ordinance, Missouri Compromise, Compromise of 1850, Kansas-Nebraska Act, Dred Scott decision.
Cultural catalysts: Uncle Tom’s Cabin, Second Great Awakening, reform movements, abolitionist leadership (Douglass, Truth, Maria Stewart, etc.).
Notable numerical references and formulas (LaTeX):
The dividing line: 36^ ext{o}30^ ext{'} (36 degrees 30 minutes) as a geographic delimiter for slavery expansion in the Missouri Compromise context.
Popular votes and electoral votes: Lincoln’s 1860 victory with approximately 40 ext{ extperthousand? }40 ext{ ext{ percent}} of the popular vote and no Southern electoral votes; the exact numeric phrasing in the source is “just 40 percent of the popular vote and not a single southern vote in the Electoral College.”
Constitutional and legal references (for context): Northwest Ordinance (1787), Article VI (Constitution), Three-Fifths Compromise (implied in representation), Fugitive Slave Act (as part of the Compromise of 1850).
Ethical and practical implications: debates over statehood, citizenship, and civil rights; the tension between federal authority versus states’ rights; the moral weight of abolitionism versus pro-slavery arguments.
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