Ch. 7 The media, public opinion and sex offender policy in the U.S.
Historical analyses documented waves of intense attention to sexual crimes
Highlighting atypical, sensational cases committed by extreme offenders shaped contemporary sex offender policymaking - perpetuating misconceptions
3 stages: 1980s get tough on crime, 1990s sex offender, current containment and management approach
Get tough on crime - 1980s
Martinson (1974) examining impact of treatment strategies showed that few interventions affected offender behaviour - questioning whether offenders could be reformed
High violent, homicide crime rates increased 1970-80s
I.e. the “drug war”, longer prison sentences, rise in capital punishment sanctions, determinate sentencing for convicted offenders rather than one tailored to address potential reform
Punitive measures built around assumption that retribution and incapacitation was needed
Media portrayal - more attention given to rare and bizarre cases
Image of the predatory and recidivist stranger rapist popularized and viewed as rationale for get tough initiatives
I.e. “Horton effect” in presidential race, Bush’s campaign messaging centered heavily on crimes of Horton who was released early from prison and recidivated
Shaped public viewed about crime policy
Being “soft” on crime and relying on rehabilitative-minded reforms constituted ineffective crime policy and dimmed public confidence
Decade of the sex offender - 1990s
Specific legislation appeared and targetted a sub-population of offenders
Federal and state legislation specific many of the same reforms of 1980s (tougher sentences) + new management strategies (“post-incarceration” requirements that exclusively applied to sex offenders)
Characterization of sex offenders as homogenous, predatory, not amenable to treatment transmitted via media became unquestioned assumptions
Number of imprisoned sex offenders increased 7% each year during 1990s; approx 10% of correctional population had at least one sex offender in 1994
3 Initiatives for management
Registry and notification
Community notification
Laws were in direct response to high-profile cases and sex abuse scandals
I.e. abduction of children, Catholic Chuch scandal (4% of priests committing majority of sex offences against male youths)
Timing of campaign to draw attention to homosexual practices to link them with deviant and criminal behaviour coincided with 1980s movement
Decline of sex offences during this period of policymaking but not a cause
The Jacob Wetterling Act, Megan’s Law - argued public safety can be improved by community notification of those with prior sex offence records
Reintroduction of civil commitment
Emerged from fear that potentially dangerous offenders would be released and threaten children
Less than 1% of sex offender population is civilly committed - little support for media’s insistence of homogenous recidivism risks
Residence prohibitions
Bar offended from living near certain child-friendly locations (i.e. playgrounds, schools, school bus stops, daycares)
Variable but most restrictions enacted specified exclusionary zones in 1000-2000 feet range
But many restrictions applied to offenders with no prior convictions against children
Laws unlikely to affect nature and extent of sex offending
Criminogenic effects of laws (i.e. homelessness, unemployment, stigma)
→ reforms influenced by negative media attention, perpetuating “worst-case” scenarios
Not designed to address “typical” sex offences - known perpetrators, first-time, rarely involve homicide
Containment and management
Continued focus on supervising sex offenders post-release with registration and notification procedures
Large population of registrants - 900k in 2016
2005: Adam Walsh Act, SORNA to standardize registration and notification practices by classifying offenders into 3 tiers based on their conviction
SMART: monitors compliance with SORNA and provides assistance with implementation of policies
Increasingly more restrictive criminal justice policies
Tightening existing registry procedures by “widening the net” of potential registrants
Public support for availability of sex offender information suggests an acknowledgement that policymakers are trying to address the problem and feel safer regardless if they can access the info or not
Public favours punitive rather than rehabilitative approaches to address sex crime
But supplying additional context regarding treatment effects can impact opinion
Greater recognition of additional forms and contexts of sexual victimization
Within religious, post-secondary institutions, etc.
Boston Globe, NY Times - sustained media attention toward Catholic Church abuse
LA times: theme of addressing sexual assault featured as a social problem - highly publicized
Coverage resulted in policy changes at Church-level (educating Church officials in recognizing and reportign abuse and implementing code of conduct around youth)
Campus sexual assault - another form of organizational sex offending
Media covered abuse and role of institution in responding to and addressing sexual assault - inaction of administrators and employees
Concern about accountability
New laws controversial - criminalize inaction among employees who do not disclose allegations of assault
Recent challenges to sex offender management and efforts to “myth-bust” regarding prevalent but distorted images endorsed by public, policymakers, practitioners
Legal obstacles concerning widespread legislation and campaigns to clarify distorted images of sex crime
USSC struck down sex offender laws judged to be overly broad and ambiguous
CPPA criminalized fictionalized depictions of sexual situations involving children (i.e. Romeo and Juliet, possession of virtual CP, computer-simulated images)
Individuals can possess computer-generated material but cannot use it obscenely or in any sexually matter involving a minor or to solicit potential victims
Registry and notification policies upheld by Court generally, overturned some extreme punishments (i.e. executing child rapists)
Historically held impressions of sex offenders challenged - contemporary policymaking includes emphasis on clarifying misconceptions
“Mythbusting” focused on changing tendency to victim blame and reducing endorsement of various misperceptions about sex offenders (i.e. stranger danger myth, offenders have certain traits, etc)
Low sexual assault reporting challenged previous beliefs (victims report crime) - concern that traditional crime measures (arrest, conviction data) is inadequate in measuring campus sexual assault
CSOM: to dispel misperceptions and provide assistance to public and state agencies - publications emphasize that majority of perpetrators are rarely strangers, have low levels of reoffending, responsive to treatment
RSOL: grassroots campaigns to reform sex offender laws - focus on reducing use of overly broad and reactionary policies rather than empirically-based ones
Themes of 3 historical portrayals:
(1) Media’s sustained fascination with sexual offending over last 3 decades
Particular issues disproportionately emphasized, coverage consistently extended to sex offences and individuals who commit them during certain periods
(2) causal ordering is unclear, laws and policies seemed to follow/coincide with news coverage and subsequent public concern → powerful impact of media exposure on directing public opinion and policy
(3) specific mythology that emphasizes distortion regarding nature and extent of sex crimes now exists about sex offenders
Effects of coverage
Direct media factors predictive of views
Public receives most info about justice system from media sources - local, national news, TV, reality shows
Concern that mass media portrays false images of crime and perpetuates myths about the functioning of the CJS
I.e. Pickett (2015) heavy media reliance correlated with greatest extent of misunderstanding of the correctional system, specifically crime policy and incarceration (general crime)
Avg respondent agreed that media depictions of sex offenders are overwhelmingly negative and that media coverage is regarded as accurate and shapes views/attitutdes
Agreed that portrayals adversely affect the reintegration prospects
Media coverage consumption linked to greater approval for sex offender laws (registration, notification policies)
Concern that media conveys inaccurate depictions of crime, media relance not associated with increae in factual knowledge about sex offenders or policy among the public
Indirect factors and other traits affecting perceptions
Indirect - increasing concern about crime/personal victimization
“Gender gap” in public views - women tend to approve of greater punishment for those with sex crime convictions and especially those who have abused children
Women more likely to believe sex offenders can be reformed and treated
Women embrace dual philosophy
Higher educational attainment - reduced approval for “get tough” sanctioning for CP offenders, detaining past sentences, permitting capital punishment for child rapists
Having children linked with greater approval for residence restrictions and more likely to support a range of “severe” sanctions like castration and life in prison; less likely to believe treatment reduces the odds of offender recidivism
Comartin (2009) fear of crime significant predictor for post-incarceration sanctions (registration, notification) and more punitive sanctioning approval (castration, life)
Myth endorsement about sex crime (stranger danger), reduced support for rehab efforts
Myth belief reduced likelihood in judging treatment to be effective in reducing esx crime
→ public perception in comprehending the nature and extent of sexual offending are affected by a range of influences, media exposure and “ingrained mythology” directly and indirectly communicated
Key points
Historical images of sexual deviance and sex offenders varied across last 3 decades
Support exists for the “media cultivation hypothesis” (public perception shaped by media); indirect factors (sex, education, parental status, fear, belief in specific crime misperceptions)
Further focus on emerging sex crime topics, advanced methodology, and social media to improve understanding of relationship between media exposure and sex crime perceptions
Ch. 16 Criminal Investigation of Sexual Offences
Despite increased focus on criminal investigations of sexual offences, numbers have been stable over past 4 decades
Gaps in knowledge and police response - feeling of dissatisfaction towards police, miscommunication and misunderstanding about work in this area, misguided responses and practices by police
Investigative Interviewing
Establishing if crime has occurred, proving guilt: witness/victim statements, physical evidence, confession
No scientific guidance for police interviews
Interviewing victims and witnesses
Many cases involve victim and offender known to each other - to determine whether victim consented
Stranger assault - identification of offender is important to investigation
Attempt to identify and understand situational factors leading up to crime
Past interviewing practices characterized by police interviewers dominating the social interaction with victim/witness asking direct, close-ended Qs
Victims unlikely to provide unsolicited info, withholding, giving abbreviated As
Cognitive Interview Technique (CI): best-known interview method in policing
3 basic psychological processes - memory & cognition, social dynamics, communication
Memory-enhancing techniques + improving social dynamics (establishing rapport) = communication environment to allow detailed account
4 memory retrieval rules:
a) context reinstatement: mentally reconstruct contexts of event
b) in-depth reporting: report everything even if partial/incomplete
c) variety of perspectives: narrate from own and potential witness
d) temporal orders: from start, end, backwards in time
Interviewer refrain from interrupting and let victim control process
CI improves quantity, quality, accuracy of details (25-50%) compared to other methods
Interviewing suspects - “interrogations”
Obtain info from suspect to authenticate involvement in crime and confession
If no physical evidence, confession needed to lay charges in corroborating incriminating facts and findings from crime scene
8-33% of cases, suspect’s guilt would have never been proven without confession
Confessions have greater impact on jury decisions than witness statements or hard evidence
Sexual cases dependent on suspect interviews than crime investigations - only evidence is from suspect
Offender’s decision to confess influenced by seriousness of crime committed
Sex crime perpetrators less likely to confess crimes during interrogations
Unless interrogator develops a positive, empathic, nonjudgmental, respectful relationship
Likely to deny crime if perceive external pressure from interviewers (i.e. condemnations, humiliation)
St-Yves (2002): Confessions likely among suspects: white, single, higher IQ, feelings of guilt, dependent personality, sexually but nonviolently victimized a young male victim
Beauregard et al., (2010): individual, criminological, situational factors determine a suspect’s willingness to confess
Factors related to perpetrators: younger, introverted, prior convictions for sex crimes; victims: male, unknown to offender; case: time of day of crime
Criminal history of mainly sex offences, younger, committed crime during the day
Versatile less likely to confess
Target unknown victim not from criminogenic background likely to confess
Confession decision-making to clarify motivational factors to confess
Suspect Identification and Prioritization Methods
Behavioural crime linkage analysis
Determine whether multiple crimes committed by same offender
Forensic evidence preferred method, but often insufficient evidence available for analysis
Ritual or fantasy-based behaviours, behavioural signatures (MO fluctuates) are stable and reflect psychological needs of offender - rare empirical tests
But serial killers do not consistently exhibit same ritualistic behaviours or signatures that could link crimes
Computerized databases that contain info about unsolved crimes (ViCLAS by RCMP in 1990s)
Developed primarily for identifying serial criminals operating across jurisdictional boundaries
2 assumptions subject to empirical scrutiny: behavioural stability & behavioural distinctiveness
Possible to use behavioural evidence to link sexual crimes
Spatial information collected from crime scenes more useful (inter-crime distances) than MO behaviours (similarity in victim selection)
Crime scene behaviours are situationally driven
Person-oriented offences (sex): location and times selected not random but controlled and based on info and internal cost-benefit calculation
Whatever is influencing timing of offence and location also influences timing and location of subsequent offences
Recurrent sites can indicate offender’s progression and inform police of their “standing” and focus attention on suspects with more/less sexual criminal background
Behavioural + linkage + geographic profiling info = look at specific sites likely to be used by offenders among identified areas for suspect prioritization
Studies focused disproportionately on property crimes, only until early 2000s that sexual offences were being examined
Learned much about linking process by studying property offences, unclear these findings generalize to sexual offenders
Criminal profiling
Psychologically-based investigative technique for sex offences
Practice of predicting an unknown offender’s personality, behavioural, demographic characteristics from an analysis of crime scene evidence
Often used to prioritize suspects
Assumptions: behavioural stability, homology (if 2 individuals commit similar crimes, they should have similar bg characteristics)
Individuals who broke into victim’s house 5x more likely to have previous conviction for burglary than those who did not enter by force
Offenders with extreme violence 3.5x more likely to have previous conviction for violent offence
Offenders who destoryed semen at scene 4x more likely to have previous conviction for sexual offence
Thematic approach: determine if thematic structure exists in crime scenes and bgs of offenders and see if relationships are significant; treats offending decision-making process as dynamic and occurring across specific phases of an offence
Offenders with a “hunter search strategy” (actively seeking out victims within short distance from home) are telio-specific (target adult females with specific physical features) use “home intruder approach” and employ assault stategy based on violence and control - associated with sexually deviant bg, socially isolated, fantasies, voyeurism, poor self-image
Challenges in Sexual Assult and Abuse Cases
Interviewing issues
Trauma and memory
Review of exoneration cases show mistaken identification due to trauma/stress experienced by victim/witness leading cause in wrongful convictions - 70% of overturned convictions to date
Unlikely that the narrative given by victim is entirely true/based solely on facts
Brain can produce inaccurate memories that may not have occurred
Trauma impacts memory and trauma-related disruption to memory may contribute to attrition
I.e. victims with incoherent account for event during interview less likely to see case move forward
False allegations
Studies may be conducted when disbelief and negative attitudes about sex assault victims were more prevalent among LE agencies
3 primary motivations: cover up activity/provide alibi, anger/revenge who rejected them or did them wrong, obtaining sympathy from others and seeking attention
Leading questions can produce false allegations of sexual abuse
Factors related to case and description offender and their MO rather than victim profile better to distinguish true from false allegations
True allegations more likely to include descriptions of theft, pseudo-intimate behaviours, precautionary measures to avoid detection
False confessions
Voluntary: unrelated to police interrogation (confess to crime they did not commit)
Coerced-compliant: complies with police demands, confessor does not fully accept that they were responsible
Coerced-internalized: internalizes police suggestions that they have committed a crime
Leading causes of wrongful convictions
Police pressure and interviewing techniques, desire to protect someone else, need to avoid incarceration
Isolation, lack of sleep, deprivation of needs - situational factors
Interrogator bias - manipulate suspect into believing in guilt (downplaying seriousness of crime to lull into false sense of security)
General Investigative issues
Cognitive biases
Confirmation bias: investigators search for evidence that confirms their theories, ignoring contradicting evidence
Verbal probabilistic expressions can be ambiguous and affect interpretation of a claim: dangerous offender associated with heightened sense of how likely the claim was to be true
Framing effect: same probabilistic expression was interpreted as denoting a lower level of uncertainty when referring to presence of characteristic in offender rather than absence
Errors relying on criminal profiles
Probability errors
When investigators try to identify patterns from very small samples of crimes/offenders
When investigators do not account for the inevitability of finding coincidental relationships in datasets (pure chance)
When investigators display general lack of understanding about role that base rates play in prediction tasks
Organizational traps
“Bureaucratic inertia” prevents agile organizational responses to changing circumstances
“Organizational momentum” can lead to serious tunnel vision
Personal and organizational egos also get in the way, preventing investigators from admitting mistakes, adjusting to new info, seeking alternative explanations to known facts
Group think - reluctance to think critically when part of a group/challenge dominant thinking
Issues with the forensic process
Tool marks, impression evidence, fibers, hair samples, bodily fluids
Reputation of “objective” science, subjectivity exists and can be misleading
Problems with standardizing, reliability, accuracy, error, potential for contextual bias
Interpretation of DNA and fingerprint evidence - contextual info can cause forensic scientists to give different judgements than they had previously given in a positive identification of suspects
Key Points
Only victim can provide info that will help accurately identify offender, development of good rapport with victim and efficient interviewing techniques needed - CI best practice
Sex crime perpetrators less likely than other offenders to confess due to objective severity of their offences
Identifying and prioritizing suspects - forensic sciences, psychological techniques (i.e. behavioural crime linkage analysis, criminal profiling)
Need to establish whether assumptions underlying behavioural crime linkage analysis and criminal profiling are valid and test operational utility in naturalistic settings
Accurate behavioural linkage analysis possible with sex offences, difficult to demonstrate reliable relationships between crime scene behaviours and bg characteristics in context of criminal profiling research
Offending beahviour is dynamic process, statistical techniques can uncover potentially meaningful relationships
2-10% of sex assaults reported to police are false
Cognitive biases, errors in interpretation of probabilistic info, organizational traps (group think)
Forensic sciences not immune to problems, cognitive biases when criminal profiling used similar to forensic techniques with fingerprint matching