No one in their right mind likes war, but dodging responsibility for its barbarity is distasteful.
Pacifism is acceptable if consequences are considered.
Talk of "limiting" or "humanizing" war is hypocritical because people don't examine catchwords.
The idea that it's worse to kill civilians than soldiers is questioned, arguing war is unavoidable and others besides young men will die.
The immunity of civilians has been shattered, which isn't regrettable because war isn't "humanized" by being confined to the young.
War is inherently barbaric, and recognizing this might lead to improvement.
Mavrodes examines the basis for rules protecting civilians, arguing immunity of noncombatants is "convention-dependent."
Obligation stems from conventions aimed at taming war, substituting limited combat for full warfare.
Assumes warfare can be morally justified under certain conditions and for some ends.
The distinction is between wars and other international combats and focuses on the intentional killing of noncombatants.
He critiques arguments from Elizabeth Anscombe, John C. Ford, and Paul Ramsey, arguing they ignore the distinction.
Immunity theorists believe noncombatants have moral immunity from being intentionally killed.
They use the "principle of double-effect," dividing consequences into intended and unintended.
Intentional killing of noncombatants is always immoral, regardless of potential good.
Unintended death of noncombatants is acceptable if the good outweighs the evil.
The moral distinction between combatants and noncombatants cannot be based on the value of human life alone.
The argument for immunity turns on notions of guilt and innocence.
Innocence, in this context, is synonymous with "noncombatant."
A person can support an unjust war without being a combatant, while a drafted soldier may be a combatant without understanding the war.
Innocence as used by immunity theorists lacks moral content.
Warfare is unlike ordinary criminal activity as individuals engage in it as members of nations.
The immunity of noncombatants is a convention-dependent obligation related to a convention substituting limited combat for warfare.
The convention is justified by its results, aiming to reduce pain and death involved in combat.
Moral obligations are convention-dependent if the obligation exists because a convention is in force, and an alternative convention would negate the obligation.
Acting in conformity with a preferable convention not widely observed may be worse than following a less desirable but widely observed convention.
The status of traffic rules vs. conventions of warfare is compared.
The immunity of noncombatants is not an independent moral rule but part of a convention for a morally desirable alternative to war.
The key distinction is between warfare per se and international combats limited by convention and custom.
Unilateral restraint may signal willingness to abide by a convention, potentially leading to mutual respect and a new convention.
McMahan challenges just war theory, arguing that combatants in unjust wars act wrongly by attacking enemy soldiers.
He also posits that combatants in just wars may target noncombatants responsible for wrongs.
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Traditional theory has two parts: justice of war (jus ad bellum) and ethics of conduct in war (jus in bello), viewed as independent.
A just war can be fought unjustly, and vice versa.
Those who fight in a just war are just combatants; those in an unjust war lack a just cause and are unjust combatants.
Jus in bello is independent of jus ad bellum, making no distinction on the permissibility of an unjust combatant inflicting harm.