Effectiveness of scrutiny
House of Lords Reform
Reforms to be more democratic
Role of Backbenchers
Evaluate the view that Prime Ministers Questions should be abolished and replaced by other forms of parliamentary scrutiny of the executive.
Backbenchers offer the most effective form of scrutiny:
Power over their party leaders e.g. groups like the 1922 committee can directly impact party direction and leadership, vitally scrutinising the work of the PM via votes of no confidence, also the Backbench Business Committee, created post Wright reforms getting 35 days of parliamentary business, significant when parliament controls agenda, can be successful e.g. Hillsborough in 2012
Most powerful form of scrutiny is their power to rebel e.g. May faced 15 rebellions, Blair forced to back down on his proposal to detain suspects for up to 90 days, 2012 rebellion on HoL reform, frustrations of May’s rebellion
BUT
the effectiveness of backbenchers depends on the size of a governments majority e.g. powerful governments can survive rebellions; Tony Blair faced the largest rebellion over Iraq war, but policies went through regardless, coalition government faced 35% rebellions compared to 28% under Blair – because of the nature of FPTP and winner’s bonus government scrutiny is weak
Also, backbenchers are whipped, and if they want to be re-elected, they depend on the party e.g. David Gauke, Johnson removed whip from 21 MPs
Lords offer some degree of scrutiny:
Have significantly more time to dedicate to scrutiny, spending about 60% of their time scrutinising, spent 96 hours compared to 32 on the 2020 Agriculture Bill, also don’t have the same amount of pressure from the government e.g. weaker whip enforcement, life peerage, 180 crossbenchers, also degree of scrutiny they can offer is unchanging (not really impacted by strong majorities as much as backbenchers), also greater expertise,
BUT
select committees also have expertise, fundamentally limited due to their unelected nature, 1911, 1945 and 1999 reforms fundamentally limit their enforcement power e.g. Rwanda bill ping-pong around 20 times but still go through, Hunting act 2004 can only be delayed for a year
Opposition:
Have greater resources from Short money (just under £7 million for Labour) and salaried jobs in opposition, also have greater media attention e.g. debates like PMQs (whereas backbenchers have less guaranteed time on PMQs), also they act in opposition to the government so have a greater motivation to scrutinise the government because they are not from the same party
BUT
they are limited because they have just lost an election (scrutiny is better when an election is coming up, not having just lost – variable factor), money is dependent on the government (2016 – conservatives changed short money from based on retail price index to consumer price index), also they can’t control the agenda and government can take over opposition policy e.g. Hunt
Scrutiny:
most vital role in holding government ‘to account’ and scrutinising their work
able to give up far more time to debate e.g. 96 hours on agriculture bill 2020 vs 32 hours
many peers are experts such as transport and education, human rights etc
Increased expertise enables more effective scrutiny and lets them hold government to account
Several key bills have been amended e.g. Article 50, Sunday Trading and EVEL
cannot enforce their power but can have a significant influence
BUT
this power is undermined by their lack of democratic legitimacy
none of the 809 are elected, 92 hold hereditary seats, more of an issue because attempts to reform (1999, 2014 coalition) have been stopped/limited by the lords
also can ignore the conventions limiting their power e.g. 2015 labour dominated HoL rejecting government proposals about tax credit cuts
Independence:
another advantage is the independence of thought that the HoL has
No party whip influence, vote on bills independently and in a bi-partisan manner
Also around 180 crossbench MPs, not an entirely political body
Crossbenchers essential for scrutiny and debate
BUT
although this suggests a lack of politicisation, the appointments proccess hugely undermines the independence of the lords
Cameron appointed 16 political allies
Nigel Farage claimed brexit party supporters had been offered peerages to keep them on side
Also still often vote according to party lines e.g. Free School meals bill, voted completely according to party divisions
also hugely affected by winner’s bonus and FPTP because strength in Lords is proportional to strength in Commons
capacity to act independently and therefore carry out scrutiny is undermined
Representation:
Has become increasingly representative
House of Lords Appointment Commission as an independent body, effective and just appointments
Has 26 Lord Spirituals but also has other religious representatives
Might lack democratic legitimacy but can represent a wider non-political class
Important representatives such as Baroness Lawrence
However, does not go far enough at all
Average age of peers is 70, only 29% female and 6% ethnic minorities
unequal representation undermines the benefits the Lords could have
Although descriptive representation does not entirely cause political representations, there are strong correlations e.g. all of the hereditary peers are white, older than average age and Conservative
Worsens issue of them being an unelected body, do not even represent the UK in a descriptive sense
Select committee:
can effectively scrutinize legislation and hold the government to account
since Wright reforms, they are chosen in secret and have significantly reduced whip enforcement, increasing the independence with which they can hoold the government to account
can call upon experts e.g. media select committee called upon Rupert Murdoch
can cause significant change e.g. Business and trade + Justice select committee paramount in Post Office Scandal Investigation
BUT
limited enforcement power, only around 40% amendments adopted
also, align with composition in the commons — government majority, exaggerated by FPTP and the winner’s bonus it tends to produce
Opposition:
can hold the executive to account
have 20 opposition days available to them, also receive funding in the form of Short money, leader of the opposition is a salaried position
also get greater media attention than figures like backbenchers e.g. given 6 questions in PMQs
BUT
limited, especially depending on where we are in the election cycle
can’t control the agenda so legislative powers hugely limited
Backbenchers:
best way of holding the government to account, especially via rebellions
threat of defeats can force changes to legislation e.g. 2012 - 91 tories rebelled over Lords reform, dropped after second reading
can challenge government policy e.g. 2024 justice bill, 40 rebellions
also have the extremely powerful threat of no confidence votes, only happened in 1979 but can prompt resignations/demonstrate a weak executive
BUT
whip enforcement can reduce chances of doing this e.g. David Gauke — whip withdrawn, didn’t win seat again
more fundamentally, efficacy is contingent on the strength of the government e.g. 35% rebellions during coalition vs 28% New Labour
Blair able to survive an 139 person rebellion due to his strength from FPTP
overall argument: Commons, Lords power is often only influential/contingent on commons
Legislation Representation Scrutiny | ||
Lords > Commons An effective revising chamber Time: Agriculture Bill 2020 – Commons spent 32 hours on it, the Lords spent 96 hours on it Experts: Cameron Lack of whipping in committees: Grand Committee (any Lords who come together) or Committee of the Whole House -> not dependent on whips for their position | Represent beyond the political class – Baroness Lawrence Government doesn’t have majority and ~180 crossbenchers limited whipping power = more ideologically diverse | Unelected so long-term view of government Generally, not bound by collective ministerial responsibility (if not in Cabinet) Expertise Easier to rebel – 125 rebellions in the Lords in 2022-23 |
Commons > Lords Superior House: 1911, 1949 Parliament Acts means that Lords can only delay by 1 year 1949 Act used for the Hunting Act 2004, delayed for a year Normally acts don’t need to be put into effect bc the Lords back down Financial privilege Amendments can be easily rejected by the Commons e.g. Brexit, Rwanda Ping-pong effect (neither chamber has enough power) PMBs require a sponsor in the Commons in order to pass | Represent their constituents through the vote (FPTP) 92 hereditary peers Models of representation Descriptive representation more so in the Commons – women = 34% of Commons, minorities = 66 MPs, LGBTQ+ = 7% | Direct access to ministers (except Cameron) -PMQs whereas in the Lords you only question junior ministers, urgent questions – raised by Berkow Departmental select committees e.g. Postmasters Scandal and the Business and Trade SC– Lords focus is not specifically on departments in government Votes of no confidence might have fewer opportunities for scrutiny but scrutiny is more impactful |
ability to scrutinise, extent of independence, descriptive representation and composition
Scrutiny:
most vital role in holding government ‘to account’ and scrutinising their work
able to give up far more time to debate e.g. 96 hours on agriculture bill 2020 vs 32 hours
many peers are experts such as transport and education, human rights etc
Increased expertise enables more effective scrutiny and lets them hold government to account
Several key bills have been amended e.g. Article 50, Sunday Trading and EVEL
cannot enforce their power but can have a significant influence
BUT
this power is undermined by their lack of democratic legitimacy
none of the 809 are elected, 92 hold hereditary seats, more of an issue because attempts to reform (1999, 2014 coalition) have been stopped/limited by the lords
also can ignore the conventions limiting their power e.g. 2015 labour dominated HoL rejecting government proposals about tax credit cuts
Independence:
another advantage is the independence of thought that the HoL has
No party whip influence, vote on bills independently and in a bi-partisan manner
Also around 180 crossbench MPs, not an entirely political body
Crossbenchers essential for scrutiny and debate
BUT
although this suggests a lack of politicisation, the appointments proccess hugely undermines the independence of the lords
Cameron appointed 16 political allies
Nigel Farage claimed brexit party supporters had been offered peerages to keep them on side
Also still often vote according to party lines e.g. Free School meals bill, voted completely according to party divisions
also hugely affected by winner’s bonus and FPTP because strength in Lords is proportional to strength in Commons
capacity to act independently and therefore carry out scrutiny is undermined
Representation:
Has become increasingly representative
House of Lords Appointment Commission as an independent body, effective and just appointments
Has 26 Lord Spirituals but also has other religious representatives
Might lack democratic legitimacy but can represent a wider non-political class
Important representatives such as Baroness Lawrence
However, does not go far enough at all
Average age of peers is 70, only 29% female and 6% ethnic minorities
unequal representation undermines the benefits the Lords could have
Although descriptive representation does not entirely cause political representations, there are strong correlations e.g. all of the hereditary peers are white, older than average age and Conservative
Worsens issue of them being an unelected body, do not even represent the UK in a descriptive sense
Lords:
non-elected, usually lacks ministerial responsibility so should be one of the most effective forms of scrutiny
more bipartisan cooperation, 180 crossbenchers, no government majority
have longer to scrutinise bills (spend about 3 times as long on 2020 agriculture bill)
have been able to amend bills e.g. free school meals, EVEL, Sunday trading, article 50 plans
BUT
because they are unelected their influence is limited and can’t force amendments, can only be delayed for up to a year
this has been made evident with the Rwanda Bill 2023-24
also, although there is no government majority, composition is usually proportional to the size of a government’s majorities in the Commons → inflated by winner’s bonus
votes are often political e.g. free school meals - all votes followed party lines
power of scrutiny and efficacy is limited
Roles in Parliament (committees, questions):
established bodies in parliament also help increase scrutiny, such as the use of urgent questions and select committees
urgent questions have increased in recent years e.g. average number per sitting day was 0.1 in 1997 compared to 0.88 in 2017 (although partially because it was a minority gov)
John Bercow encouraging/allowing for more urgent questions
more significant, work of select committees
several select committees, now chosen by secret ballot rather than whips to grant greater autonomy
often have specialist MPs like Sarah Wolleston on the Health select committee
do have some influence e.g. in 2011, government adopted 40% of select committee suggestions
BUT
still limited as advisory bodies
also tend to all be dominated by a government majority so FPTP influence once more
other things like PMQs and urgent questions have limited influence/appeal to public as well
Voting in Parliament:
one of the most significant ways that legislation can be scrutinised, amended and defeated in parliament is through voting
backbench rebellions as particularly important
3 conservatives rebelled over Heathrow airport expansion, more over 2012 HoL reform
governments can be significantly defeated on legislation e.g. May faced 15 defeats, Johnson lost 100% of his early votes
BUT
likelihood and significance of backbench rebellions is hugely dependent on size of majority
35% of divisions under coalition versus 28% under Blair
Blair only faced 4 defeats, and more importantly could survive significant rebellions e.g. over Iraq war
efficacy of scrutiny is all ultimately contingent on size of government, damaging influence of FPTP and winner’s bonus
House of Lords:
Due to time given and independence, HoL is particularly significant as a revising chamber, improving the quality of legislation and scrutiny
2020 agricultural bill — 32 hours in Commons vs 96 hours in Lords
can dedicate more time
2021-22 session faced 0 defeats in Commons vs 133 in Lords
BUT
due to undemocratic nature, there enforcement power is hugely limited
Rwanda bill faced 5 separate defeats but was passed regardless, unable to delay hunting reform act for more than a year
its positive scrutiny power is undermined by its inability to enforce these amendments
PMBs:
a successful part of the legislative process within parliament is the ability for HoC and HoL to introduce PMB, providing a variety of legislation that doesn’t purely stem from the executive
important PMBs: abortion in 1967, 2018 Homelessness reduction act, 2014 HoL act
can cause significant change and allow for a diversity of legislation
BUT
unlikely to pass and stopped by government
only 8% pass, with only 1.1% of ten minute rule bills passing
are also subject to filibuster e.g. MP Sam Gimyah — minority are able to stop the successful passage of legislation
Public Bills Committee:
scrutinise legislation and play a vital role in the legislative process
2023 — Matt Western amended Higher education fee limit bill
purposefully dedicate time to examining legislation, can call upon experts
BUT
chosen by whips, weak independence, proportional to Commons
whips mean relevant MPs aren’t chosen e.g. Sarah Wollaston
proportional to Commons (winner’s bonus issue) but also not necessarily proportional in terms of diversity of opinion e.g. Higher Education Bill 2004 - 72 Labour MPs rebelled but only 1 was chosen for the select committee
scrutinising the government:
In some ways, the work of select committees and other forms of scrutiny has been effective at scrutinising the government, although to a largely limited degree. Recent select committees have seen signfiicant successes; for example, the justice select committee and the business and trade select committee were both vital for investigating and scrutinising the Post Office Scandal and the government’s role in it. Select committees allow for dedicated time to scrutinise legislation and government action, as well as gather expert opinions and are financially incentivised, all of which contributes their effectiveness at holding the government to account. Furthermore, recent years have seen an increasing impact of select committees, with polls suggesting 40% of select committee decisions have been acted on by the government. Therefore, select committees appear to play an effective role in scrutinising the work of government. However, while select committees are not partisan, they are usually proportional to the composition of the Commons, which means that governments with strong majorities (who arguably need the most scrutiny, due to their voting power) enjoy strength within select committees as well as on the floor. Similarly, committees are ultimately advisory bodies and while governments may choose to follow their advice, they are not bound to. While 40% of decisions might be followed, the majority are not suggesting that fundamentally, select committees are limited in the scrutiny they can offer due to their advisory nature and therefore dependency on the government.
The House of Lords also appear to be able to effectively scrutinise the government, arguably more so than select committees. Scrutiny by the Lords is particularly effective because of the amount of time afforded to them: generally, around 60% of time in the Lords is spent on scrutiny. Furthermore, the Lords spend significantly longer scrutinising bills — while the Commons spent 32 hours on the 2020 Agriculture Bill, the Lords spent 96 hours scrutinising and revising it. Due to the time they spend, the Lords can offer far more effective and detailed scrutiny. This is reinforced by the lack of a government majority or whips in the Lords — the HoL can act as a somewhat independent body which can check the power of government and scrutinise its work. However, the actual practical power of the Lords in scrutinising the work of the government is severely limited.