Women in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) record the world’s lowest visibility in paid work, politics and public life. Their extensive unpaid domestic and care labour is seldom counted in national GDP, masking a crucial share of economic output.
Female labour-force participation averages about 18\%, versus nearly 70\% for men. Women’s literacy has climbed to roughly 87\%, still below the global female mean (≈90\%). Use of contraception illustrates disparity—only 23\% of Yemeni women versus 67\% in Morocco. MENA women spend the greatest daily hours worldwide on unpaid care.
Legal and social conditions vary sharply. Tunisia and Turkey top regional rankings on education and legal access, while Yemen and, until 2017, Saudi Arabia imposed stringent guardianship rules limiting travel, driving and property ownership. Quota systems lift female parliamentary shares to nearly 30\% in Iraq and 50\% in the UAE; non-quota states such as Yemen or Oman remain below 5\%.
Women spearheaded 1950s–60s anti-colonial movements (e.g., Algeria’s FLN), expanding rights yet subordinating feminist goals to nationalism. Subsequent decades of war, authoritarianism and rising religious conservatism reversed many gains.
Feminist scholars (e.g., Fatima Mernissi) contend the Quran endorses equality—“\text{You are equal to one another}”—and that patriarchal readings, not scripture, underpin subordination. Veiling can be viewed as suppression or as a means of empowered public mobility; styles (burqa, niqab, chador, hijab) and legal controversies (e.g., French public-space bans) differ widely.
Path-dependent history, conflict, tribal or conservative norms, religious extremism, limited childcare and economic diversification all constrain female agency.
MENA women hold roughly 10\% of parliamentary seats—less than half the global average. When present, they are typically assigned “soft” portfolios (health, education) rather than defence, finance or interior. Quotas increase numerical presence but not necessarily policymaking power.
Saudi Arabia since 2017 has eased guardianship, allowed women to drive and fielded Olympic athletes, though critics see window dressing. Tunisia’s Bourguiba era abolished polygamy and shifted family law to civil courts. Individual actions—such as a Yemeni mother’s persistent protest that overturned a death feud—demonstrate potential female influence even under patriarchal norms.
Honor killings, early marriage, mobility restrictions and inheritance limits persist across the region and among diasporas. Conflict heightens risk: Yazidi abductions, Syrian displacement and Afghan stonings illustrate extreme vulnerabilities.
Gender inequities are not exclusive to MENA: Switzerland granted women federal suffrage only in 1971; Chile legalised abortion in 2017; the EU still posts a gender-pay gap. Nonetheless, the Global Gender Gap Index consistently places Yemen, Pakistan, Iraq and Iran near the bottom, underlining MENA’s systemic shortfall in women’s rights.