Diminishing Civic Participation and Faith in Democracy
Yoni Appelbaum's October 2018 article discusses the decline of democratic practices in America and its consequences.
Democracy is not innate but a learned habit that requires constant practice.
Historically, Americans were actively involved in democratic organizations from a young age, fostering a culture of citizenship.
In recent decades, there's been a decline in acquiring and practicing democratic habits, leading to negative outcomes.
Contempt for democratic institutions has risen as people become alienated from established procedures.
The election of Donald Trump, who disregarded established norms, reflects this decline.
The strength of the American political system previously relied on high participation rates in democratically governed organizations.
Addressing the current issues requires a revitalization of democratic habits among Americans, not just removing Trump from office.
Historical Obsession with Associations
Europeans once studied the success of the United States, focusing on its unique culture of associations.
Americans commonly addressed challenges by forming voluntary associations with written rules, elected officers, and majority-vote decision-making.
Alexis de Tocqueville noted that even children in games followed self-established rules and punished transgressions.
By the late 19th century, many associations mirrored the federal government's structure, with local chapters, state-level gatherings, and national assemblies.
James Bryce in 1888, admired the speed and effectiveness of associations in the United States.
These groups had systems of checks and balances, with executive officers accountable to legislative assemblies and independent judiciaries ensuring compliance with the rules.
The Knights of Pythias, a fraternal order, had a legal guide with 2,827 binding precedents for its tribunals.
The model of democratic governance was adaptable to various sectors, including business, labor unions, churches, and mutual insurers.
Civic institutions were run by democratically elected representatives rather than elites or centrally appointed administrators.
Civic Participation as the Norm
Civic participation was typical, not exceptional.
Walter B. Hill, the University of Georgia’s president, exaggeratedly claimed that almost everyone held an office.
Americans focused on rules and procedures, with frequent turnover in offices and the constant formation of new organizations.
Ordinary citizens were often asked to join committees or chair meetings.
Henry Robert’s Pocket Manual of Rules of Order for Deliberative Assemblies became a best seller, seen as essential.
Democracy served as a shared civic religion, legitimizing various ideologies.
Groups excluded from democratic government used democratic governance to advocate for equal citizenship.
Debtors in a New York jail adopted their own version of the Constitution.
Free blacks in the North and formerly enslaved blacks in the South actively participated in civic groups.
Women used charitable societies and ladies’ auxiliaries to engage in public debates and gain the right to vote.
Arthur Schlesinger Sr. emphasized that voluntary associations provided people with self-government training.
Decline in Civic Engagement
Robert Putnam highlighted the decline in participation in civic groups in Bowling Alone.
Membership in such groups fell by 21 percent from 1994 to 2004.
The decline is understated due to a rise in passive memberships masking a steeper fall in active participation.
In a 2010 census survey, only 11 percent of respondents had served as an officer or been on a committee.
Putnam was concerned about the effects on “social capital,” defined as “norms of reciprocity and networks of civic engagement.”
While volunteerism, religious service attendance, and social media usage remain relatively high, they do not replace the self-government training provided by democratic organizations.
Young people's declining participation in democratically run organizations correlates with a decrease in faith in democracy.
In 2011, about a quarter of American Millennials viewed democracy negatively and considered free and fair elections unimportant.
Gallup polling showed declining faith in major institutions before Donald Trump's presidential campaign.
Trump challenged the veneration of civic procedure, claiming the system was rigged.
Trump's Appeal to the Disengaged
Trump won the Republican nomination by appealing to voters with minimal experience in democratic institutions.
A PRRI/The Atlantic survey in April 2016 showed Trump leading Ted Cruz among Republican-leaning voters (37 to 31 percent).
However, among those who seldom participated in community activities, Trump led significantly (50 to 24 percent).
Civically disengaged voters comprised a majority of Trump’s support.
Trump's general election coalition combined disengaged voters with traditional Republicans.
Trump maintained his message that the election would decide whether the people or a corrupt political class would rule.
In office, Trump disregarded established protocols and displayed disdain for democratic procedures.
Challenges to Democratic Norms
Carl Becker wrote in 1941: “Democratic government, being government by discussion and majority vote, works best when there is nothing of profound importance to discuss”.
In the polarized environment of 2018, the stakes appear high, making adherence to old rules seem disadvantageous.
Norms are easily discarded, and Trump’s actions set precedents for future behavior.
The stability of the American government is a testament to the integration of democracy into American culture, but this is changing.
Trump prioritizes outcomes over processes, leading opponents to reciprocate.
Willingness to adhere to settled rules, even to one's own short-term disadvantage, is a challenging democratic habit to acquire.
The End of the Voluntary Association and a Path Forward
The golden age of voluntary associations is over due to factors like automobiles, television, and two-income households.
The historical circumstances that fostered voluntary associations are unlikely to return.
Reviving participatory democracy requires focusing on the youngest generations, where new habits are easily learned.
Schools are the best place to cultivate self-government.
This involves creating opportunities for students to govern themselves, not just adding civics classes.
A study found that active participation in extracurricular activities correlated with a 141 percent increase in the likelihood of voting in a presidential election eight years later, compared to a 2% increase linked to greater civics knowledge.
Schools with higher percentages of minority students are less likely to have student councils with charters, and these councils have less influence.
All young Americans should have the chance to write charters, elect officers, and navigate self-governance.
These activities should be seen as basic curriculum, focusing on the role of rules and procedures in managing disputes.
Cultivating Democratic Habits
The peak turnout of eligible voters in the 19th century coincided with the peak of associational activity.
Voting is a habit-forming behavior; encouraging voting in one election increases the likelihood of voting in future elections.
Americans should be automatically registered to vote at 18.
The pursuit of efficiency has pushed democratic governance aside.
Many organizations are run by salaried professionals with uninvolved members.
Corporations exercise increasing control over the economy and public life, while shareholders have little power.
Democratic governance, while not the most efficient, is valuable in harmonizing interests and empowering constituents.
A nation of passive observers is likely to succumb to anger and resentment.
Reengaging Americans in governance is worth the cost of some efficiency and the displacement of experts with amateurs.
The American system functions properly when embedded in a culture deeply committed to democracy, which sustains the Constitution.