SP

Violence, Peace, and Peace Research – Key Concepts (Sections 12–18)

The relation between personal and structural violence

  • Core questions about the relationship between personal and structural violence:

    • Is there a real distinction between personal and structural violence?
    • Does one type presuppose the other?
    • If pure types exist, do they have a pre-history in the other type?
    • Could one type presuppose latent presence of the other?
    • Could one be the price we pay for the absence of the other?
    • Could one type be more important in its consequences than the other?
  • Distinction in brief:

    • Personal violence: direct, type actions by individuals hitting human beings.
    • Structural violence: violence embedded in repressive structures upheld by the sum of actions by humans.
    • The qualitative difference is in the type of link: direct, personal vs indirect, structural; the primary concern is the objective consequences, not the subjective intent.
  • Empirical independence: personal and structural violence can exist independently of each other.

    • Structures can be structurally violent regardless of who staffs them (e.g., feudal structures).
    • Individuals can be personally violent across contexts (e.g., bullies).
    • Therefore, the two forms are empirically independent, but they can influence each other.
  • Cross-breeding and interaction:

    • Structural violence often breeds personal violence; personal violence can reinforce or reproduce structural violence.
    • Pure cases may be temporary if pre-history or context is forgotten, but in general there is interaction.
    • The sum of violence is not simply the sum of separate bits; absence of one type may accompany latent presence of the other.
  • Latent vs manifest violence and defense strategies:

    • When a structure is threatened, those who benefit tend to defend it, sometimes via non-obvious means (e.g., mobilizing police, army, or mercenaries while staying physically distant).
    • Structural violence can be exercised through institutions and norms that function without direct personal violence, yet are upheld by social expectations and enforcement.
  • Can one type abolish the other? four propositions with critiques:
    1) Structural violence is sufficient to abolish personal violence (short-term).

    • May hold between groups, but not necessarily within groups; the feudal structure can persist internally.
      2) Structural violence is necessary to abolish personal violence.
    • Not generally true; personal violence can be halted under other conditions, but it depends on context and mechanisms.
      3) Personal violence is sufficient to abolish structural violence.
    • May topple the top dogs, but the new power may reproduce the same structure; structural violence can re-emerge.
      4) Personal violence is necessary to abolish structural violence.
    • Revolutionary claim; empirical, theoretical, and axiological criticisms raise doubts about indispensability of personal violence.
  • No absolutes: empirical regularities are not universal. It is possible (though rare) to have purely structural or purely personal violence without the other form being present at all times.

  • Costs and benefits (caution against over-reliance on cost-benefit analysis):

    • One could attempt to quantify losses from both forms of violence and compare to gains from reducing them (e.g., Cuban revolution example).
    • However, such calculations should not be the sole basis for political action; they risk underestimating strategic and ethical complexities and may ignore future dynamics.
    • A normative standard is needed beyond simple cost reductions: aim for reducing both forms of violence and consider their future implications and gradients.
  • Regional and temporal variability:

    • In space and time, the relative importance of structural vs personal violence can differ (e.g., Americas vs Europe) due to different political, social, and economic conditions.
  • Summary takeaway:

    • Personal and structural violence are distinct but interconnected; both must be studied to understand peace dynamics. Neither type alone fully explains or dictates peace outcomes.

On the definition of 'peace' and 'peace research'

  • Peace is two-sided, corresponding to two negative/positive dimensions:

    • Negative peace: absence of personal violence.
    • Positive peace: absence of structural violence, i.e., social justice and an egalitarian distribution of power and resources.
  • Extended concept of peace (and of violence) leads to a two-sided peace theory:

    • Absence of personal violence (negative peace).
    • Absence of structural violence (positive peace) – often framed as social justice.
  • Peace research defined as the study of past, present, and future conditions for realizing peace.

    • It is closely linked to conflict research (primarily for negative peace) and development research (primarily for positive peace), with important overlaps.
  • Why a two-sided approach matters:

    • Focusing on only one side risks missing crucial dynamics and may lead to misguided policies.
    • A comprehensive approach considers both the reduction of overt personal violence and the transformation of structural conditions that produce inequality.
  • Practical implication:

    • Research and policy should aim to reduce both forms of violence and promote conditions that support both negative and positive peace, recognizing their interdependence and region-specific dynamics.