Bruckert pp.275-278 pp.281-285
Colonial violence has had severe impacts on Indigenous women, particularly through historical institutions like residential schools.
These institutions enforced strict gender roles and controlled the lives and bodies of Indigenous women.
Indigenous girls faced shaming and rigid constraints regarding their bodies and gender roles (TRC 2015b).
Example: Lena McKay described extreme disciplinary measures at Breynat Hall, where girls were punished for their mannerisms and appearance.
Relationships between boys and girls were prohibited, reinforcing a culture of shame and control.
Officials often arranged marriages for older residential school students to maintain colonial influences.
From the 1890s-1930s, regulations were enforced to prevent Indigenous women from marrying non-status individuals without government approval (TRC 2015a).
Canada's definition of "Indian" status was established in the mid-1800s, entrenching state power over Indigenous identity.
Status is required for treaty rights; non-status individuals could not transmit status to descendants (CAP 2012).
Laws penalized Indigenous women marrying non-Indigenous men, further marginalizing them.
The 1876 Indian Act enforced patrilineal inheritance, restricting women's rights significantly.
The introduction of rules like the "double mother" rule promoted loss of status, particularly for children born to Indigenous women post-1951 (CAP 2012).
Attempts by Indigenous women to challenge discriminatory laws in the 1970s were often dismissed by the Supreme Court favoring existing definitions of "Indian" (Attorney General of Canada v. Lavell 1974).
The Gender Equity in Indian Registration Act (1985) restored some status but was criticized for instituting a tiered system of status definitions (6(1) and 6(2)).
Critics highlighted Bill C-31's role in creating ongoing discrimination and predicted declining Indigenous status transmission over generations.
Bill C-3 (2010) and Bill S-3 (2017) aimed to mitigate gender discrimination but left many loopholes, affecting Indigenous women's rights and access.
Indigenous women face multiple layers of oppression: racial stereotypes, economic disadvantage, and ongoing impacts from historical trauma (Status of Women Canada 2014).
They are three times more likely to experience violence compared to non-Indigenous women.
Indigenous women make up a disproportionate percentage of missing and murdered women in Canada.
Advocacy for greater attention to violence against Indigenous women has emerged, leading to governmental commissions that face criticism for ineffectiveness.
Indigenous women's experiences of IPV are exacerbated by colonial legacies, including economic dependency due to lack of status.
Community justice systems have shown bias favoring male partners in cases of IPV, and leadership often minimizes these issues.
Legal frameworks continue to penalize Indigenous women unfairly in cases of IPV-related violence.
The historical removal of Indigenous children reflects colonial ideologies of 'bad mothers.'
Indigenous mothers face intense scrutiny and blame, with their socio-economic status often used as justification for child apprehension.
The “Sixties Scoop” led to thousands of Indigenous children being placed in non-Indigenous homes, disrupting familial and cultural ties.
Statistics show a troubling prevalence of Indigenous children in foster care, more than during the era of residential schools.
Structural discrimination contributes to the continued removal of Indigenous children, limiting available support systems.
Colonial violence is deeply intertwined with health outcomes for Indigenous women, contributing to adverse health indicators and general well-being (Czyzewski 2011).
This perspective reveals the long-term effects of colonialism as a determinant of health for Indigenous populations.
Colonial violence has had severe impacts on Indigenous women, particularly through historical institutions like residential schools.
These institutions enforced strict gender roles and controlled the lives and bodies of Indigenous women.
Indigenous girls faced shaming and rigid constraints regarding their bodies and gender roles (TRC 2015b).
Example: Lena McKay described extreme disciplinary measures at Breynat Hall, where girls were punished for their mannerisms and appearance.
Relationships between boys and girls were prohibited, reinforcing a culture of shame and control.
Officials often arranged marriages for older residential school students to maintain colonial influences.
From the 1890s-1930s, regulations were enforced to prevent Indigenous women from marrying non-status individuals without government approval (TRC 2015a).
Canada's definition of "Indian" status was established in the mid-1800s, entrenching state power over Indigenous identity.
Status is required for treaty rights; non-status individuals could not transmit status to descendants (CAP 2012).
Laws penalized Indigenous women marrying non-Indigenous men, further marginalizing them.
The 1876 Indian Act enforced patrilineal inheritance, restricting women's rights significantly.
The introduction of rules like the "double mother" rule promoted loss of status, particularly for children born to Indigenous women post-1951 (CAP 2012).
Attempts by Indigenous women to challenge discriminatory laws in the 1970s were often dismissed by the Supreme Court favoring existing definitions of "Indian" (Attorney General of Canada v. Lavell 1974).
The Gender Equity in Indian Registration Act (1985) restored some status but was criticized for instituting a tiered system of status definitions (6(1) and 6(2)).
Critics highlighted Bill C-31's role in creating ongoing discrimination and predicted declining Indigenous status transmission over generations.
Bill C-3 (2010) and Bill S-3 (2017) aimed to mitigate gender discrimination but left many loopholes, affecting Indigenous women's rights and access.
Indigenous women face multiple layers of oppression: racial stereotypes, economic disadvantage, and ongoing impacts from historical trauma (Status of Women Canada 2014).
They are three times more likely to experience violence compared to non-Indigenous women.
Indigenous women make up a disproportionate percentage of missing and murdered women in Canada.
Advocacy for greater attention to violence against Indigenous women has emerged, leading to governmental commissions that face criticism for ineffectiveness.
Indigenous women's experiences of IPV are exacerbated by colonial legacies, including economic dependency due to lack of status.
Community justice systems have shown bias favoring male partners in cases of IPV, and leadership often minimizes these issues.
Legal frameworks continue to penalize Indigenous women unfairly in cases of IPV-related violence.
The historical removal of Indigenous children reflects colonial ideologies of 'bad mothers.'
Indigenous mothers face intense scrutiny and blame, with their socio-economic status often used as justification for child apprehension.
The “Sixties Scoop” led to thousands of Indigenous children being placed in non-Indigenous homes, disrupting familial and cultural ties.
Statistics show a troubling prevalence of Indigenous children in foster care, more than during the era of residential schools.
Structural discrimination contributes to the continued removal of Indigenous children, limiting available support systems.
Colonial violence is deeply intertwined with health outcomes for Indigenous women, contributing to adverse health indicators and general well-being (Czyzewski 2011).
This perspective reveals the long-term effects of colonialism as a determinant of health for Indigenous populations.