Marxism is a materialist philosophy that interprets the world based on the concrete, natural world and society, opposing idealist philosophy that posits a spiritual world influencing the material one.
Marxism aims to change the world, not just interpret it, as stated by Karl Marx: "The philosophers have only interpreted the world in various ways; the point is to change it."
Society progresses through class struggle, leading to social transformation.
Class struggle originates from the exploitation of one class by another.
In the feudal period, tension existed between feudal lords and peasants.
In the Industrial Age, the struggle is between the capitalist class (bourgeoisie) and the industrial working class (proletariat).
Classes have common interests; in capitalism, the proletariat and capitalist class are always in conflict.
Marx believed this conflict would lead to socialism.
Marx adopted the concept of the dialectic from Hegel but applied it to the material world.
Hegel was an idealist philosopher who believed the world is governed by thought and material existence is the expression of an immaterial spiritual essence.
Marx's dialectic is known as dialectical materialism, arguing that mental/ideological systems are products of social and economic existence.
Dialectical materialism is the science of the general and abstract laws of development of nature, society, and thoughts.
It views the universe as an integral whole with interdependent elements.
Internal dialectical contradictions within things are the primary cause of motion, change, and development.
The concept of base and superstructure explains the relationship between material production and culture.
The base represents socio-economic relations and the mode of production.
The superstructure includes art, law, politics, religion, and ideology.
Culture is governed by historical conditions and power dynamics in society.
Morality, religion, art, and philosophy reflect real-life processes.
Cultural products are directly related to the economic base of a society.
The Frankfurt School of Marxist aesthetics was founded in 1923 in Germany.
Figures like Walter Benjamin, Theodor Adorno, and Herbert Marcuse combined Formalism with Marx and Freud's theories.
They studied mass culture and communication and their role in social reproduction and domination.
The Frankfurt School created critical cultural studies models analyzing cultural production, political economy, cultural text politics, and audience reception.
Marxist scholars like Walter Benjamin and Bertolt Brecht viewed art as a social production.
Walter Benjamin's essay, The Author as Producer (1934), questions the literary work's position within the relations of production of its time.
Artistic production relies on techniques of production, such as publishing and theatrical presentation.
A revolutionary artist should revolutionize the forces of artistic production, creating new social relations between artist and audience.
Authors, readers, and spectators become collaborators.
Brecht's experimental theatre embodies Benjamin's concept.
Louis Althusser introduced concepts like overdetermination and ideology.
Overdetermination is an effect arising from multiple causes, challenging simplistic base-superstructure notions.
Ideology is a system of representations with a historical role in society, obscuring social reality by naturalizing beliefs and promoting supportive values.
Civil society spreads ideology through law, textbooks, religious rituals, and norms.
Ideology is instituted by the state through Repressive State Apparatuses (RSA) and Ideological State Apparatuses (ISA).
RSA includes law courts, prison, police, army, etc.
ISA includes political parties, schools, media, churches, family, art, etc.
Althusser integrated structuralism into Marxism, viewing society as a structural whole with autonomous levels (legal, political, cultural) articulated by the economy.
Antonio Gramsci introduced concepts like Hegemony and the Subaltern.
Hegemony is the domination of a society by powerful classes, often through consent rather than force; it represents the moral and intellectual leadership of the upper class.
Subaltern refers to exploited groups lacking class consciousness and now represents marginalized sections like Dalits, women, and minorities.
Raymond Williams contributed significantly to Marxist critique of culture and the arts.
He was interested in the relationship between language, literature, and society.
Williams coined Cultural Materialism, characterized by:
Historical context
Theoretical method
Political commitment
Textual analysis
Cultural materialism provides different perspectives based on what is suppressed or revealed in reading from the past.
Culture is a constitutive social process that creates different ways of life.
Meaning creation is a practical material activity.
Structures of feeling are evolving values formed as we react to the material world and are subject to change.
Key works include The Country and the City (1973) and Marxism and Literature (1977).
Mass culture is a pejorative term used by conservative literary critics and Marxist theorists to describe commodity-based capitalist culture as inauthentic and manipulative.
It is contrasted with authentic high culture and an idealized people's culture.
High culture is seen as the peak of civilization for an educated minority.
Both authentic people's culture and minority elite culture are seen as lost to the standardization of industrialized mass culture.
The romantic idea of the 'artistic object,' produced by the ‘artistic soul', is allied to a sense of complexity and authenticity of a work of art.
Quality work is distinctive in the subtlety, complexity, and adequacy of its formal expression of content and requires skill and work by readers to access a genuine aesthetic experience.
Mass culture is seen as superficial, formally inadequate, and produced by capitalist corporations to maximize profits.
It is inauthentic because it is not produced by 'the people', manipulative due to its primary purpose to be purchased and unsatisfying, requiring little work to consume.
These views are shared by conservative critics like F.R. Leavis and the Frankfurt School.
Adorno and Horkheimer coined 'the culture industry' to describe capitalist corporations producing commodities that appear democratic but are authoritarian and standardized; thus, mass culture is mass deception.
This involves structuring the human psyche into conformist ways of the 'authoritarian personality'.
William Blake and Antonio Gramsci reached similar conclusions about a powerful cultural force: hegemony.
Blake described it as "mind-forg'd manacles," and Gramsci termed it "hegemony."
According to Carl Boggs, hegemony permeates civil society (trade unions, schools, churches, family) with values, attitudes, and beliefs that support the established order and class interests.
Hegemony operates as a "general conception of life" for the masses and a "scholastic programme" for intellectuals, perpetuated by agencies of ideological control and socialization.
Gramsci distinguished between "direct domination" (authority backed by force) and hegemony (spontaneous consent to the general direction imposed by the dominant group).
Language is a crucial medium for exercising hegemony.
Historical effects of domination are embodied in "common sense," which is uncritically absorbed.
"Common sense" is fragmented and incoherent, varying across individuals.
The state is the most consistent exerciser of hegemony, through schools and courts, along with private initiatives.
Hegemony maintains capitalist power by instilling doubt and discouragement and by obscuring the power of sophisticated practitioners of hegemony such as academicians.
Ignoring hegemony cedes power to those who argue for the existing order as natural and unchangeable.
Hegemony has become more complicated and effective in the capitalist period due to increases in the scope, power, and sophistication of the hegemonic apparatus.
Understanding power and subjectivity requires a holistic approach that considers all aspects of behavior as overdetermined.
Blake and Gramsci focus on hegemony more accurately than other writers.
Seeing Blake's work through Gramsci's ideas enhances understanding of his significance as a poet, addressing the interaction of social power and human desire.
Hegemony is the source of "marks of weakness, marks of woe" and the power of thought to restrain and dismay.
It obscures perceptions and instills fear, especially of erotic and sexual being, and most fundamentally, the fear of historical change.
Gramsci's hegemony describes what Blake opposes, including methods of domination and imposed values.
Recognizing Blake's perception of hegemony allows avoiding reductive readings of his work.
His awareness of hegemony's systemic nature leads to complex language and a new mythological armature.
Blake's obscurities and difficulties for readers are partly a defense against hegemony's power.
Raymond Williams notes Blake's revisions in "London" emphasizing the organization of the city in terms of trade and the imposed, self-imposed organized repression.
A key breakthrough for Blake was the coming to consciousness of hegemony, which transformed the poem from a specific indictment of militarism to one about the effects of the capital system.
Blake discovered that it is "every face" which bears the marks of a system in which all must live.
Like Gramsci, Blake realized hegemony is characterized by a network of connections among those with power resulting in frightened and narrowed perceptions.
The perception about perception is key to hegemony theory.
Williams sees Blake's counter-hegemonic purpose as forcing into consciousness the suppressed connections to see the human and social order as a whole.
Blake calls for radical modes of thought and perception to change ourselves and the social world.
Love is always blind to faults, inclined to joy, and breaks all chains, while deceit is lawful, cautious, and forges fetters for the mind.
The understanding of hegemony during "London" is developed further to address sexual relations, insisting on holistic interrelatedness.
The mind's manacles are fearful, selfish, and egotistical, anticipating attacks on privilege.
Blake anticipates Reich, Brown, Marcuse, and the Frankfurt school in asserting love's counter-hegemonic potential to break chains.
The absence of a holistic view has flawed readings of Blake, neglecting the interpenetration of desire and political forces.
Erdman reduced mind-forged manacles to direct results of tyranny, focusing on domination rather than hegemony.
On the other hand, seeing manacles as purely self-imposed ignores Blake's denunciation of those who instill fear and profit from it.
Bloom's separation of political, moral, and mythic levels is an error, whereas Blake sees these areas in dialectical interpenetration.
Marxism and Literary Theory Flashcards
The concept of base and superstructure explains the relationship between material production and culture.
The base represents socio-economic relations and the mode of production.
The superstructure includes art, law, politics, religion, and ideology.
Culture is governed by historical conditions and power dynamics in society.
Morality, religion, art, and philosophy reflect real-life processes.
Cultural products are directly related to the economic base of a society.
The Frankfurt School of Marxist aesthetics was founded in 1923 in Germany.
Figures like Walter Benjamin, Theodor Adorno, and Herbert Marcuse combined Formalism with Marx and Freud's theories.
They studied mass culture and communication and their role in social reproduction and domination.
The Frankfurt School created critical cultural studies models analyzing cultural production, political economy, cultural text politics, and audience reception.