Mexico has a significant deportation apparatus, potentially due to US pressure.
Mexico's deportation system is extensive and harsh.
On average, Mexico deports 90% of migrants apprehended by migration authorities.
Detainees are typically held for about 5 days before deportation (CNDH, 2019, p.93).
From 2001 to 2021, Mexican authorities deported 2,588,009 migrants, with 90% originating from Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador (p.21).
Factors Influencing Deportation
US Pressure: The United States exerts considerable influence on Mexico's migration policies.
Human Rhetoric: Mexico employs a rhetoric of humanitarianism regarding migrants.
COVID-19 Excuse: The COVID-19 pandemic has been used as a justification for increased deportations.
Payments: Financial incentives or reimbursements may play a role in deportation agreements.
National Guard: Deployment of the National Guard is involved in border control.
US Influence and Border Control
US Extension: The US extends its border control through migration policing practices in Mexico.
Agreement: There are agreements between Mexico and the US regarding migration control.
Tax Increase: Threats of tax increases from the US have influenced Mexico's migration policies.
Nancy Hiemstra (2019) describes this as the "elasticisation of the US southern border," where the US extends its power via extra-territorial migration policing practices (p.22).
Terms like "border-country" (Yrizar Barbosa 2011), "vertical border" (Yee Quintero and Torre Cantalapiedra 2016), and "arterial border" (Vogt 2017) describe increasing securitization of migration in Mexico due to its partnership with the US (p.22).
Migrant Caravans and Policy Shifts
In late 2018 and early 2019, Central American migrants organized into caravans for safety (Varela Huerta and McLean, 2019).
The AMLO administration initially promised an "open arms" policy in response.
However, the US administration, under President Donald Trump, pressured Mexico to curb irregular migration, threatening tariffs on Mexican products in June 2019 (p.24).
2019: "US-Mexico joint declaration on migration and refugees" was established (p.12).
AMLO Administration's Approach
Mexico presents a human rhetoric regarding migrants, including an "Open Arms" policy, but this is contrasted by the reality of increased control and deportations.
AMLO's administration is marked by:
Repressive control of migrant caravans in 2019 and 2020.
A record number of apprehensions (444,439) in 2022.
A total of 3,448,412 irregular migrants intercepted from 2001 to 2022.
A fire in a Ciudad Juarez detention center in March 2023, resulting in 40 migrant deaths (p.24).
COVID-19 and Deportation Protocols
The COVID-19 pandemic was used to justify increased deportations.
The INM (National Institute of Migration) announced a "Protocol for the prevention and care of suspected and confirmed cases of COVID 19 in the Migration Stations and Temporary Stays of the National Institute of Migration" on April 20 (INM 2020).
The protocol aimed to:
Identify cases.
Prevent transmission.
Establish specific care processes.
Maintain order and safeguard facilities to minimize COVID-19 transmission (p.16).
Changes in Deportation Methods
Before COVID (2009-2019), migrants were deported via non-stop buses (p.17).
Reports indicate poor conditions on these buses, including lack of toilets, inadequate ventilation, long journeys (12-36 hours), poor food, and lack of medical certification (p.18).
Bus drivers acted as de facto migration officers.
During COVID, deportation methods shifted from buses to airplanes (p.19).
Aerial Deportations
In January 2020, the INM deported 1,064 migrants by air to Honduras using Guardia Nacional aircraft and charter flights (INM 029/2020) (p.20).
In 2020, the INM deported 2,934 Central American migrants by air: 2,461 to Honduras, 406 to El Salvador, and 67 to Nicaragua (INM 171/2020) (p.20).
In 2021, aerial deportations nearly tripled to 17,002, with 140 flights made (p.20).
Honduras, Guatemala, and El Salvador were the primary destinations.
Charter flights accounted for a relatively small percentage of total expulsions to these nations (15% for Honduras, 8% for Guatemala, and 19% for El Salvador).
Charter flights were more significant for deportations to Cuba (32%), Haiti (42%), and Ecuador (37%) (p.20).
Concerns and Controversies
The death of a Salvadoran woman in INM custody in April 2020 due to COVID-19 complications was omitted from official statements (p.21).
Aerial transfers have become the primary method for deporting migrants, raising concerns about the private companies involved (p.22).
Grupo Aéreo Monterrey (Magnicharters) was contracted without competitive bidding for air transport services for migrants and public servants in 2020 and 2021 (p.23).
Militarization of Mexico's Southern Border
There is a clear militarization of expulsion processes, with National Guard involvement (p.24).
Flights were heavily secured by migration agents and National Guard agents (p.25).
For charter flights to Haiti:
An average of 80 migrants were expelled per flight with about 38 custodial agents.
The ratio of migration agents to National Guard agents was generally 50–50.
For charter flights to Cuba, the ratio was also generally 50–50, but in one case, National Guard agents outnumbered migration agents by five to 15 (p.25).
The transfer of the body of Victoria Esperanza Salazar, a refugee from El Salvador killed by police brutality in March 2021, highlights human rights concerns (p.25).
Rhetoric vs. Reality
The INM uses euphemistic rhetoric, emphasizes human rights compliance, and stresses collaboration with destination countries (p.26).
Visual materials show staff and migrants wearing masks, but health provisions are not emphasized in official communications.
The current Mexican administration (2018–2024) broke its promise of an "open arms" policy.
Stronger interception measures and militarized migration control, combined with structural violence, have made Mexico increasingly dangerous for irregular migrants (p.26).