Montreal's First Woman Mayor: Gender, Municipal Party Politics, and the Case of Valérie Plante

Introduction

• In 2017, Montreal elected Valérie Plante, the city’s first woman mayor in its 400-year history. Plante won with 51\% of eligible votes; Denis Coderre finished with 46\% and subsequently left municipal politics.
• Media framed Plante’s success as related to gender, with her victory cited as evidence that the municipal glass ceiling had been shattered. This article asks: did gender matter for voters, and how did gender influence campaign dynamics and party organization?
• Key finding: gender did not significantly determine vote choice among electors, but gender shaped the campaign and the party—specifically the emergence of a less leader-centric party and a degendered campaign strategy.
• Authors’ theoretical contribution: extend Baer (1993) by treating parties as a central mobilizing institution—particularly at the municipal level—in shaping women’s electoral success.
• Three novel angles: (1) apply insights from national-level gender and parties to the municipal level; (2) analyze party organization and strategy rather than candidate selection or quotas; (3) theorize parties as mobilizing institutions that can facilitate women’s electoral success locally.
• Case question: beyond voter preferences, what role do campaign dynamics and party organization play in a woman’s mayoral victory? The study posits that Plante’s victory is partly explained by party strategy and structure, not solely gender.
• Structure of municipal parties in Quebec has grown more institutionalized and policy-focused, contributing to a depersonalized campaign environment (more emphasis on party platform than individual leader).
• Important empirical claim: gender cues were not the decisive factor for Plante’s election; institutional configurations and campaign organization helped counter stereotypes about women’s leadership.

Case study, methods, and data

• Context: eight-candidate race in Montreal’s 2017 city-wide mayoral election; three were affiliated with municipal political parties: Denis Coderre (Équipe Denis Coderre pour Montréal), Jean Fortier (Coalition Montréal), Valérie Plante (Projet Montréal). Five others ran as independents; Fortier withdrew in Oct 2017 and endorsed Plante; his name remained on the ballot; independents collectively captured about 3\% of votes.
• Data source: Canadian Municipal Election Study (CMES) survey of Montreal electors. Analysis focused on the CMES post-election subsample who reported casting a ballot (n = 787).
• Methodological note: use survey results to assess whether gender differences emerged in vote choice; compare Plante-supporters with others; connect voter preferences to party organization and strategies.
• Key claim from data: gender did not emerge as a central distinguishing feature in vote choice in this election; analysis emphasizes party dynamics and campaign configuration as explanatory factors for Plante’s victory.
• Case study focus: the maturation of Projet Montréal as a party—more policy-focused and less centered on a single leader—creating a viable alternative to the incumbent and providing clearer ideological cues to voters.

Gender and vote choice

• The broader literature suggests voters may use gender cues to infer competence, policy preferences, and ideology, especially in low-information contexts like municipal elections.
• CMES results (Table 1): Plante was the preferred mayoral candidate for 59\% of respondents (roughly 8\% higher than her actual vote share), while 35\% preferred Coderre; 6\% were unsure or supported a candidate who withdrew.
• Gendered patterns: Plante was the preferred candidate among both male and female respondents, with men comprising a slim majority of her overall support base; gender did not strongly determine vote choice.
• Gender-related attitudes among voters:
  • Women expressed a more feminist orientation than men (e.g., 44.8\% of women rated feminists as 9 or 10 on a 10-point scale vs 28.6\% of men; p < 0.01).
  • On the question of whether society would be better if more women stayed home with children, 86.5\% of women disagreed vs 81.9\% of men (p < 0.10).
  • Support for gender parity in elected institutions was higher among women ( 84.1\% ) than men ( 75.7\%; p < 0.05).
    -Summary interpretation: while women voters showed stronger feminist orientations and greater support for gender parity, these attitudes did not translate into a higher likelihood of voting for Plante compared with men. Gender cues were not the decisive determinant of her victory.
• Additional comparative patterns: respondents who supported Plante did not differ dramatically from Coderre supporters on many dimensions; a notable difference was that Plante supporters were more likely to endorse gender parity in council than Coderre supporters.
• Implication: if gender alone did not explain vote choice, other factors (e.g., feminist dispositions, attitudes toward gender parity, or party cues) may have interacted with voter beliefs in more nuanced ways.
• Pre-election and post-election impressions:
  • Pre-election: a sizable share (over one-third) said they would absolutely not vote for Coderre, while only ~9\% would not vote for Plante.
  • Pre- vs post-election ratings: Coderre’s average feelings rating 50.8; Plante’s 68.1 (0–100 scale).
  • Post-election: Plante supporters more likely to say their views were “all positive” about their candidate ( 55\% ) than Coderre supporters about their candidate ( 28\% ); Coderre supporters more likely to describe their views as “mixed” ( 26\% ) than Plante supporters ( 7\% ).
• Overall takeaway: gender was not a strong predictor of vote choice; however, gender-related attitudes and norms around representation shaped the political environment and voters’ perceptions, potentially influencing candidate evaluation indirectly.

Municipal party politics and institutional configurations

• Party typologies:
  • Équipe Coderre (Coderre’s team) fit the classic leader- and executive-dominant model: centralized candidate selection, limited grassroots participation, brokerage-oriented, with a focus on administrative achievements and continuity; little inter-electoral activity.
  • Projet Montréal (Plante’s party) distinguished by depersonalization and a more durable, policy-forward structure: decentralized candidate selection, strong grassroots engagement, and a coherent policy platform.
• Policy orientation and governance model:
  • Projet Montréal emphasizes a city governance vision: sustainable development, democratic decision-making, accountability, and transparency. It operates with a franchise-style internal organization, similar to provincial/federal parties.
  • Local associations maintain district/borough candidate selection, and platform development occurs through a bi-annual Congress where members vote on priorities (Policy development process is collective rather than centralized).
  • Projet Montréal maintains formal alliances with Quebec Solidaire and informal ties with several NDP staffers, linking local to broader political networks.
• The party’s organizational evolution:
  • Rise from Bergeron’s leadership (Bergeron’s party) to a more diffuse network with multiple actors in city hall, culminating in Plante’s leadership and a policy-driven agenda.
  • By 2017, the inter-electoral period saw growing partisanship and politicization of municipal parties, with clear differentiation on issues and increased longevity and visibility between elections (as opposed to earlier, more ephemeral municipal machines).
• How party maturation affected Plante’s victory:
  • The stable party structure provided ideological and issue cues that helped mitigate gender-based concerns about leadership ability.
  • The diffuse, policy-centered organization engaged grassroots networks and provided broader organizational support for the mayoral bid, allowing voters to see Plante as part of a credible party project rather than as a lone leader.
  • The party’s internal capacity and policy breadth created a stable alternative to the incumbent, strengthening voters’ confidence in a non-personalist political solution.
• Comparison to Mélanie Joly (2013): Joly ran a leader-centric campaign with a party that largely dissolved after 2013; Projet Montréal, by contrast, developed a durable structure and policy agenda, contributing to a more robust, long-term political alternative.
• Inter-electoral dynamics:
  • In 2017, the realignment and consolidation of Projet Montréal and Coderre’s party created a two-party landscape where party organization, not just candidate charisma, shaped the electoral environment.
  • The maturation of municipal parties in Quebec increased the potential for depersonalized governance and policy-focused elections, potentially transforming local governance over time.

Playing the (de)gendered card

• The degendering concept: degendering is the strategic downplaying or neutralization of gender to avoid gendered stereotypes and to present leadership as gender-neutral. It is a spectrum from fully abolishing gender as a category to reframing gendered norms in more flexible terms.
  • Strict articulation: degendering would eliminate gender as an organizational category and erase masculine/feminine norms.
  • Practical articulation (as used here): challenge and reconceptualize gender codes so gender does not dominate the political narrative; leaders can be viewed as leaders first, with gender offered as a background characteristic rather than a defining feature.
• Why degendering mattered for Plante:
  • The strategy limited gender-specific proposals in the party platform; when gender-focused policies appeared, they were echoed by both parties (e.g., gender balance on executive committees, female leadership opportunities, and female firefighters).
  • Plante chose not to foreground feminist organizing or women’s representation as her central platform, reducing the perception that she was running primarily to advance women’s interests.
• Two-pronged degendering approach in practice: 1) Policy emphasis over gendered policy issues: the party spotlighted public transportation, urban governance, taxation, housing, and planning; gender parity remained a principle but was not foregrounded as a singular policy commitment.
  • Examples: Coderre promised a gender-balanced executive committee and more female leadership opportunities; Plante promised gender balance on the executive committee and within civil service, plus addressing street harassment and increasing female firefighters, but gender parity did not dominate the platform.
    2) Campaign design and messaging control: the party managed how Plante’s gender was portrayed, employing humor and gender-neutral language to preempt gender-based delegitimization. This included early campaign materials such as a poster with the slogan “L’homme de la situation” (the man for the job), which Plante described as purposefully attention-grabbing and as a strategy to pre-empt gender framing.
• Gender portrayal in campaign communications:
  • Projet Montréal’s use of gender-neutral framing and the playful handling of gender cues helped depersonalize Plante’s candidacy and shift attention to party and policy rather than gender.
  • The campaign sought to neutralize gender-based stereotypes about leadership, positioning Plante as a capable manager within a strong policy team rather than a woman candidate challenging an established male incumbent.
• Consequences of degendering:
  • Degendering may have appealed to voters who were hesitant to elect a woman mayor but still open to policy-driven leadership and institutional reform.
  • The strategy reflects broader findings in political science about how women candidates navigate gender norms and media expectations in leadership races.
• Contextual note: even with degendering, Plante’s leadership faced gendered scrutiny in political marketing and media coverage, illustrating the ongoing complexity of gender in politics.

Plante’s messaging, branding, and platform strategy

• Campaign strategy characteristics:
  • Plante’s campaign framed as a non-traditional, reformist alternative to the incumbent’s governance style. Projet Montréal emphasized a strong policy platform on public transit, urban planning, housing, and fiscal management.
  • The campaign employed a fast-paced communications strategy and avoided over-emphasizing gender, focusing on substantive issues instead.
• Gender-neutral branding and imagery:
  • Plante’s imagery and messaging avoided glamorizing femininity or relying on gendered appeals; instead, it used professional attire and a straightforward leadership persona to project competence.
  • The media environment still depicted leadership as male-dominated, but Plante’s branding sought to counteract that perception by presenting a capable, policy-driven alternative.
• The broader media context:
  • Coverage of women leaders tends to be more personalized and status-driven, highlighting private life and personal traits; Plante’s campaign attempted to mitigate that by foregrounding policy credentials and party organizational strength.
• Implications for female candidates:
  • The case illustrates that successful female leadership can emerge from strategic campaign design that neutralizes gender as a barrier, while leveraging party organization and policy-based appeal.

Conclusion

• The Montreal case shows that the election of the city’s first woman mayor was historic, but gender alone did not determine the outcome.
• The success of Plante arose from two intertwining factors: (1) the maturation of Projet Montréal into a stable, policy-focused party with a strong organizational backbone, providing clearer ideological cues to voters; and (2) a degendering strategy that limited gendered aspects of the campaign and depersonalized the candidacy, reducing gender-based risk perceptions.
• Implications for theory: municipal parties can function as mobilizing institutions that enable women to succeed in local leadership roles, challenging the assumption that nonpartisan local elections inherently favor or hinder women.
• Implications for practice: building durable, policy-driven municipal parties with strong local associations and inter-electoral engagement can create conditions favorable to gender diversity in leadership.
• Cautions and questions for future research:
  • Women can be elected mayors, but their victories may be contingent on favorable contextual factors and strategic navigation of gender norms.
  • Comparative work is needed to identify conditions under which gender is most likely to be mobilized as a political resource in municipal contexts.
  • The broader shift toward institutionalized municipal parties may transform how local elections are conducted and how governance is organized in cities.
• Final takeaway: parties are not mere gatekeepers to women’s political participation; they can actively facilitate women’s representation by providing policy-oriented platforms, stable organizational capacity, and depersonalized campaigns that counter gender stereotypes.

Key concepts and terms

• Degendering: strategy to downplay or reinterpret gender cues in political campaigning, making leadership appear gender-neutral and not defined by femininity or feminism.
• Depersonalization (of parties): shift from leader-centric campaigns to party-centered organization and policy platforms, increasing emphasis on the party as an institution rather than on a single charismatic leader.
• Franchise model (in municipal parties): decentralized internal structure where grassroots members elect district and borough candidates and contribute to platform development; more participatory and bottom-up than traditional party machines.
• Mobilizing institutions: political parties that actively enable electoral success by providing resources, organization, and ideological cues that facilitate participation and representation, especially for underrepresented groups.
• Policy-forward governance: a party strategy prioritizing policy substance, long-term governance, and institutional reforms over personality-driven leadership.
• Inter-electoral engagement: activity and organization that occur between elections, contributing to party strength and continuity across electoral cycles.
• Gender parity in local government: the idea that council composition should reflect the gender composition of the city population; supported by a substantial share of voters in the Plante coalition.
• Gender affinity effect: the hypothesis that women voters prefer women candidates due to identification with shared gendered policy interests; findings in this case suggest limited direct gender affinity effects on Plante’s vote share.
• Notable numerical references (selected):
  • Election results: 51\% Plante; 46\% Coderre; Coderre’s departure from municipal politics.
  • CMES subsample: n = 787 (post-election respondents who reported casting a ballot).
  • Plante’s share of survey preference: 59\%; Coderre’s share: 35\%; undecided/withdrawn: 6\%.
  • Gender parity attitudes: 84.1\% (women) vs 75.7\% (men) agreeing city council should reflect population gender composition; p-value p<0.05.
  • Feminist orientation and home-stay attitudes: differences noted with p-values p<0.01 and p<0.10 respectively.
  • Pre-election non-voting for Coderre: 35\%; for Plante: 9\%.
  • Post-election views: Plante supporters reporting “all positive” views: 55\%; Coderre supporters, 28\%; “mixed” views among Coderre supporters: 26\%; among Plante supporters: 7\%.
  • Campaign slogans and materials: “L’homme de la situation” used to pre-empt gender framing; the “pink line” for a subway extension used in a gender-neutral framing.

Connections to broader literature and real-world relevance

• Aligns with Baer (1993) on political parties as a missing variable in women’s electoral participation and extends it to the municipal level (where parties are often weaker or absent).
• Engages with theories of gender stereotyping in elections (Huddy and Terkildsen; Crowder-Meyer; Goodyear-Grant; Dolan) and with debates on gender affinity effects in local politics.
• Demonstrates how institutional design (franchise model, inter-electoral engagement) and party durability can influence the political odds for women in leadership roles.
• Practical takeaway: municipal-level reforms that foster durable, policy-centered parties with participatory governance structures can create spaces for women leadership, while mitigating gender-based stereotypes in campaigns.

Ethical and practical implications

• Ethical implication: recognizing that gender diversity in local leadership is not only a matter of election-year dynamics but also of ongoing party organization and governance norms that support or hinder women candidates.
• Practical implication for candidates: degendering strategies can help overcome gender-based biases, but must be balanced with authenticity and policy substance to avoid tokenization.
• Real-world relevance: the Montreal case offers a template for other cities considering the maturation of municipal parties as vehicles for broad-based political reform and for advancing gender diversity in leadership roles.

References to data and figures (where relevant in-text)

• CMES results indicated by sample and percentages above; key figures include post-election female vs male attitudes toward parity and gendered leadership cues, with statistical significance indicated by p-values: p<0.01, p<0.10, and p<0.05 where noted.
• Election outcomes and party dynamics are described in the article, including Fortier’s withdrawal and endorsement of Plante, and the absence of other strong party contenders in 2017.