The author recounts an incident in January 2022 where a parent complained about The 1619 Project on a syllabus.
The author reflects on this incident as a worrying sign for academic freedom.
The author shared tweets with founding-era documents supporting claims about African Americans offering to fight for the British in exchange for freedom starting in 1774.
Most students initially sided with The 1619 Project, requiring the author to present opposing viewpoints.
During early 2022, the South Carolina House debated bills to prohibit K–12 teachers from assigning books that might make white students feel guilty.
Some measures specifically targeted The 1619 Project, while others aimed to outlaw the teaching of “critical race theory” (CRT).
The author joined a campaign to prevent these book bans.
The 1619 Project gained significant readership as a New York Times Magazine issue in August 2019 and a best-selling book in 2021.
Critics alleged that the project contained errors and was a form of “propaganda”.
Some critics objected to the project's tone, its negative portrayal of the Founding Fathers and white abolitionists, and its emphasis on race over class.
Prominent historians like Gordon S. Wood and Sean Wilentz denounced the project in a joint letter.
Daryl Michael Scott noted that The 1619 Project ended a “moratorium on depicting African Americans as victims.”
Starting in January 2021, lawmakers in fifteen states introduced bills to ban The 1619 Project from public schools.
Texas and Florida enacted these bans.
The anti-CRT movement gained momentum during the COVID-19 pandemic when online classes allowed parents to observe classroom content.
Parents claimed that teachers were indoctrinating students with “hard-left anti-Americanism”.
Critics suggest it explains why Gen Z protested against police brutality and pulled down Confederate statues.
CRT originated from critical legal studies (CLS) and was developed by African American CLS adherents who sought greater focus on racial justice.
CRT shifts analysis from individuals to underlying structures, such as focusing on the Memphis Police Department's racism rather than individual officers in the Tyre Nichols case.
In 2020, right-wing politicians and media personalities broadened the definition of CRT to include any works they considered “divisive”.
Christopher F. Rufo claimed credit for turning CRT into a mass-market brand by including various “cultural insanities” under its umbrella.
President Donald Trump issued an executive order banning “divisive concepts” from DEI trainings for federal workers and contractors after Rufo's appearance on Fox News.
Conservative media amplified the campaign, with Fox News and The Washington Times significantly increasing their mentions of CRT.
Attacks extend beyond African American history, with laws targeting “gender or sexual diversity training”.
West Virginia bill sought to forbid educators from acknowledging a classmate’s chosen gender if inconsistent with their biological sex.
The movement is referred to as "fragilism," targeting lessons that might cause students discomfort or guilt.
News sites attribute fragilism to concerned parents and grandparents, but these activists often take cues from right-wing think tanks, politicians, and media.
Moms for Liberty, founded by Tina Descovich, initially focused on anti-COVID measures before joining the anti-CRT movement.
Muzzle laws are traced to model bills from the Heritage Foundation and National Association of Scholars, which were compiled from legislation in multiple states and Trump’s executive order.
These laws are often vague, granting government officials wide latitude in enforcement and creating a chilling effect on teachers and librarians.
Many bills prohibit teachers from promoting ideas that are rarely, if ever, espoused.
Legislators aim to create a false impression of leftist teachers promoting extreme views and to penalize those who teach about prohibited doctrines.
Censorship is enforced through executive orders and actions against books in school and public libraries.
The American Library Association recorded a significant increase in attempts to ban books in 2022.
Colleges are also affected, though legal relief tends to be quicker, and threats to academic freedom often come from students attempting to silence offensive speakers.
Enforcement has been harsh, with teachers, counselors, administrators, and librarians facing discipline.
Matthew Hawn was fired for discussing generational white privilege; gay teachers have been terminated for mentioning their spouses’ gender.
An ethnic studies class at Oklahoma City Community College was canceled for requiring students to recognize privilege, prejudice, and discrimination.
Administrators, particularly those of color, have faced censure.
James Whitfield was removed for calling education “the key to stomping out ignorance, hate, and systemic racism”.
Corey Wise was fired for allegedly supporting CRT and COVID masking.
The vague wording of muzzle laws has allowed administrators to ban terms like “white privilege” and “diversity”.
A civil rights movement lecture was canceled due to concerns about critical race theory.
The RAND Corporation found that many teachers were instructed to limit discussions about political and social issues.
Texas has aggressively exploited gag orders, with teachers prohibited from assigning books depicting the Holocaust without including “other perspectives”.
Legislation is marketed to prevent shaming white and male children, but Moms for Liberty demanded bans on books like Martin Luther King Jr. and the March on Washington and Ruby Bridges Goes to School.
The claim is that these books hurt white kids’ feelings, leading to a bait-and-switch tactic where true statements are censored if they make a student feel bad.
Paul Ortiz argues that studying topics like slavery and the Holocaust should evoke negative feelings.
The desire to censor Black history indicates pervasive, unconscious racism, as CRT posits.
Conservatives who criticize trigger warnings now see “triggering” as a real threat, at least to white children.
Many teachers, librarians, and administrators have resigned due to pressure, exacerbating teacher shortages.
Florida's teacher vacancies more than doubled between 2019 and 2023.
Texas saw increased censorship, with the Bullock Texas State History Museum canceling a talk on the Alamo's connection to slavery.
Llano County library officials fired a librarian for refusing to remove controversial books.
Government censorship appears to embolden dangerous individuals, with threats against board members, teachers, and librarians.
A student threatened to kill a teacher for assigning a project on atomic scientists other than “old, dead, white guy[s]”.
New Hampshire launched a website for reporting teachers who allegedly teach CRT, with Moms for Liberty offering a bounty for successful reports.
Teachers have altered lesson plans to avoid mentioning topics like white privilege.
Leaders have instructed teachers to avoid answering student questions about The 1619 Project.
The threat of termination leads many educators to self-censor.
Despite the challenges, there is significant public opposition to censorship.
In South Carolina, a majority of citizens opposed muzzle bills during public hearings.
Grassroots activism, particularly on social media, has effectively mobilized opposition.
The Round Rock Black Parents Association saved Kendi’s Stamped from the Beginning from censorship.
Red Wine & Blue created Book Ban Busters to track and combat book bans.
Librarians like Amanda Jones have denounced book bans, facing defamation lawsuits as a result.
Students have organized academic freedom campaigns, such as the Round Rock Black Students Book Club.
Bookstores, community groups like Librotraficante, and even young children have offered free books to students facing censorship.
Piquing students’ interest in banned texts is one way the censorship movement may inadvertently improve education.
The campaign to protect free speech confronts politicians with followings that are loud but not necessarily large.
An American Library Association survey shows broad opposition to book bans, including among 71 percent of Republicans.
In Louisiana, free speech advocates saw Republican votes narrowly defeat a muzzle bill.
South Carolina's Senate Education Committee slowed down a censorship bill, ultimately rejecting a House amendment, thus avoiding censoring African American history—at least temporarily.
PEN America has documented a trend toward more gag orders being introduced but fewer being adopted.
In 2023, only one state, North Carolina, adopted fragilist legislation.
Black history’s adversaries may have overplayed their hand, as even hyper-conservative Americans often embrace moderate civil rights heroes.
There is less support for LGBTQ+ literature.
Ron DeSantis rejected an Advanced Placement African American studies curriculum, marking a notable instance of political interference.
The problem, DeSantis insinuated, was that the curriculum constituted indoctrination.
DeSantis demanded that the College Board “prioritize teaching students the unaltered primary sources” without “any [Critical Race Theory] or anything like that.”
The campaign against The 1619 Project, CRT, and DEI demonstrates the fragility of academic freedom.
Despite public opposition and grassroots activism, the threat of censorship continues to impact education.
Educators often face self-censorship to avoid termination or controversy.
The suppression of certain historical and social topics reflects an ongoing tension between ideological agendas and academic integrity.
It aims to protect students from feeling discomfort or guilt, but it also risks distorting historical narratives and limiting critical thinking.
The future of education depends on balancing the desire to shield students from uncomfortable truths with the necessity of confronting the complexities of history and society.