Liberalism has emerged as a triumphant ideology globally, characterized by individual rights and freedoms.
It originated as an antifeudal and egalitarian philosophy in the 17th and 18th centuries, opposing absolutism and hierarchy.
Contemporary debates primarily focus on neoliberal versus social democratic versions of liberalism, rather than contesting the liberal framework itself.
For 150 years from the 1800s, utilitarianism (Bentham, Mill, Sidgwick) was the primary moral foundation of political thought.
Post-World War II, the atrocities of the death camps and decolonization led to a resurgence in natural rights philosophy, anchoring individual protections more securely.
The emphasis shifted from social welfare entitlements to natural entitlements independent of social utility, aligning with the social contract traditions of Locke and Kant.
Since the 1971 publication of John Rawls's A Theory of Justice, contractarian or deontological liberalism has gained a dominant position within political theory.
Important discussions in liberalism tend to overlook the historical racial implications and the failures of liberalism to address systemic inequalities.
The author argues liberalism has historically been a form of racial liberalism, where rights and responsibilities are racially defined.
The social contract has been shaped into a racial contract favoring white individuals while subordinating nonwhites, which continues to influence contemporary liberal frameworks.
Ignoring the racial history of liberalism perpetuates systemic inequalities.
The social contract is not to be understood literally; it's a metaphor for the societal construction of governance and order.
Two key insights of the social contract: society is an artificial construct, and humans are naturally equal, thus demanding egalitarian institutions.
Both Locke and Kant emphasize moral equality and the necessity of non-exploitative relationships in ideal societies.
The tradition of liberalism assumes moral equality yet fails to acknowledge the exclusion of non-whites in contractual agreements.
Racial exploitation remains embedded within the fabric of liberal contracts, raising questions about justice and rights distribution.
Recent philosophical debates (Sandel vs. Rawls; Nozick vs. Rawls) struggle with racial implications in liberal narratives, often sidelining discussions on race.
Racial liberalism has established a pattern of excluding persons of color from full contractarian rights and recognition.
Racial liberalism is described as symbiotic with white superiority, wherein a contract exists that privileges whites while marginalizing nonwhites.
The argument highlights that many political philosophers, both historical and contemporary, ignore race, perpetuating exclusionary practices.
Racially structured liberalism requires a reevaluation to address the realities of political and social segregation.
A shift from ideal theory to nonideal theory is necessary for addressing the historical and ongoing social injustices faced by people of color.
The author proposes a 'domination contract' framework that acknowledges historical oppression and exploitation.
This approach illuminates existing power dynamics and promotes a more realistic thesis regarding social justice and contractual agreements.
The intertwining of race and liberalism historically suggests that the faith in a raceless liberal contract distracts from the realities of racial privilege.
Addressing the racial nature of liberalism is vital for moving toward a truly inclusive and just society, reformulating contemporary discourse on justice and morality.